Former U.S. State Secretary Mike Pompeo warned against recognizing Russia’s sovereignty over Crimea and other Ukrainian territories seized by force, calling it “a mistake of epic proportions” during remarks at the Black Sea Security Forum in Odesa on May 31.

Pompeo acknowledged frustrations over the current front lines but cautioned against ceding Ukrainian land to Russia. “I get the frustration … I’m not naive about what’s physically possible in this moment, but that doesn’t mean one should go and say, ‘and we are giving up for all time,'” he said, according to The Hill. “This is one of the things I hope to communicate."

The remarks come as the Trump administration considers granting Russia de jure recognition over territories it occupies in Ukraine as part of ongoing ceasefire negotiations. Ukraine is under pressure to agree to a ceasefire without regaining all of its territory, but Kyiv is urging allies not to legitimize Russian control over occupied regions.

“Crimea will stay with Russia. And (President Volodymyr) Zelensky understands that, and everybody understands that it’s been with them for a long time,” U.S. President Donald Trump  said in interview with Time magazine on April 22.

Trump has been pushing both sides for a peace deal to end the war at all costs, threatening to walk away if there is no progress made in the near future. Trump’s recent messages suggest that he started growing impatient with Russia’s President Vladimir Putin.

On May 28,  Trump said that the United States would soon find out whether Putin is genuinely interested in ending the war in Ukraine, cautioning that if Moscow is merely stalling, Washington would “respond a little bit differently.”

In Odesa, Pompeo reiterated his 2018 Crimea Declaration, issued during Trump’s first term, in which the U.S. rejected Russia’s claims to Ukrainian territory captured by force.

While Trump has since distanced himself from Pompeo, the former secretary said he continues to make the case on Capitol Hill for maintaining the declaration. He named Senator Lindsey Graham, a vocal supporter of Ukraine, as one of the allies he spoke to during his visit to Ukraine.

“There are many in my party, the Republican party, that have disappointed me deeply and have said things that are inconsistent with what I think are the deep American interests that we have here,” Pompeo said. He added, “But I think they all also know, that, in the end, there’s no walking away from this for the United States.”

Could Ukraine have stopped Russia’s illegal annexation of Crimea in 2014?

Russia built up its military presence in Crimea for decades, allowing it to swiftly capture the peninsula amid revolution in Ukraine.

The Kyiv IndependentKateryna Hodunova

OPEC+ will boost oil production by 411,000 barrels per day in July, marking the third consecutive monthly increase and reinforcing a major strategic shift that has driven crude prices to a four-year low.

Key producers, including Saudi Arabia, agreed to the supply hike during a virtual meeting on May 31, following similarly sized increases set for May and June,  delegates familiar with the talks told Bloomberg.

The move continues to diverge from OPEC+’s longstanding approach of curbing output to maintain high oil prices. Russia, a major partner in the alliance, reportedly proposed pausing the increases but was overruled. Delegates asked not to be named due to the private nature of the negotiations.

Oil briefly dropped below $60 per barrel in April after OPEC+ announced the output increases, despite weak global demand and the ongoing impact of President Donald Trump’s trade war. Prices have since rebounded slightly, with Brent crude trading around $64 in London.

Analysts and officials have pointed to a range of motives behind Saudi Arabia’s policy change. Some suggest Riyadh is trying to placate Trump, others argue the kingdom is seeking to regain market share lost to U.S. shale producers and other competitors. Additional theories include punishing members such as Kazakhstan and Iraq for exceeding their output quotas, or simply responding to unexpectedly strong demand.

The shift comes at a financial cost. While lower crude prices benefit consumers and help central banks combat inflation, they threaten the revenues of oil-exporting nations.

NATO officials reject Russian demand to halt expansion, media reports

According to NATO sources cited by Radio Liberty, the written pledge Moscow demands is unrealistic. “It’s not something they (Russia) can just get,” one diplomat said.

The Kyiv IndependentAnna Fratsyvir

On May 28, President Volodymyr Zelensky visited Germany and met with the country’s new Chancellor, Friedrich Merz. There were high expectations that Berlin would finally authorize the delivery of Taurus long-range missiles — a long-standing request from Kyiv since the beginning of the Russian invasion.

However, this demand had been systematically rejected by former Chancellor Olaf Scholz, who feared dragging Germany into a direct confrontation with Moscow.

Instead of Taurus missiles, Merz announced a new 5 billion euro aid package and a commitment that Germany would support the production of long-range weapons on Ukrainian territory.

Although these systems are not as sophisticated as the Taurus — whose operation would require months of training — the models to be co-produced by Berlin and Kyiv have the advantage of being easier to use, which could accelerate their integration into the Ukrainian Armed Forces.

While investing in Ukraine’s defense industry is necessary — something President Zelensky himself has emphasized in urging allies to strengthen the country’s defensive capabilities — the fact that he returned from Germany without a Taurus delivery promise reveals a deeper issue.

These missiles represent not only a powerful symbolic gesture, demonstrating that the West is truly committed to Ukraine’s defense, but also an immediate and tangible impact on the battlefield.

As recently highlighted by the Kyiv Independent, the Taurus missile can be programmed to detonate only after penetrating multiple layers of protection, making it especially effective against strategic targets like the Crimean Bridge.

Beyond being an important symbol for Russian President Vladimir Putin, that bridge is a crucial logistical link between mainland Russia and the occupied peninsula — a target of both symbolic and operational significance.

The absence of the Taurus in this package highlights a familiar blind spot: many Western governments still underestimate how much timing matters.

In a war, it’s not just about how much support is given, but how quickly it comes. Delays in key decisions don’t just slow progress — they quietly erode Ukraine’s position on the ground.

Has the West become so focused on the latest headlines, diplomatic theater, and talks in Istanbul that it has forgotten to reflect on its own recent history and the decisions made over the past three years?

If Germany sends Taurus missiles to Ukraine, Russia has a major Crimean Bridge problem

Latest: Germany pledges 5 billion euros in new aid to Ukraine, no Taurus missiles announced A statement from German Chancellor Friedrich Merz on May 26 about long-range strikes inside Russia resurrected a long-held hope in Ukraine — that Berlin is finally about to send Kyiv its Taurus missiles. “There are no

The Kyiv IndependentKollen Post

The truth is that the West sabotages itself by delaying the release of essential resources — a hesitation systematically exploited by Russia.

That was the case with the F-16 fighter jets: the U.S. and European countries, initially fearful of escalation, delayed their delivery by more than a year — only relenting after intense Ukrainian pressure and decisive support from countries like the Netherlands and Denmark.

The same pattern occurred with the Leopard 2 tanks, delivered only in early 2023; with the UK’s Challenger 2 tanks, which arrived in March 2023; and with the U.S. M1 Abrams, delivered only in September that year — a year and a half after the invasion.

Even Patriot air defense systems, vital for intercepting Russian missiles, faced initial resistance due to escalation fears and were only delivered in early 2023. Storm Shadow cruise missiles likewise only began arriving in May 2023. Given all this, the inevitable question is: why so much hesitation, if in the end they give in anyway?

Russia, unlike its Western counterparts, has shown no hesitation when it comes to speed — whether in advancing troops or manipulating diplomacy.

Every so-called negotiation is just another stalling tactic, with the Kremlin expertly layering new steps, new demands, and new distractions to stretch the clock. After the first Istanbul round, came the promise of a “memorandum”, only to be followed by yet another “new phase.”

It’s a script they’ve used repeatedly: feign interest, pretend flexibility, and use the time gained to recalibrate offensives.

U.S. President Donald Trump, for his part, appears to have started losing patience with Putin — but that frustration hasn’t translated into any concrete action. Instead, he ends up playing straight into Moscow’s hands, a convenient figure in a Kremlin-scripted performance designed to drain Western resolve and dress delay up as diplomacy.

The race faced by Ukraine and its European allies is, above all, a race against time — and many still don’t seem to realize it. For Europeans, this race involves rebuilding strategic autonomy in defense — a process that should have begun over a decade ago, with the annexation of Crimea.

At the very latest, the alarm bells should have rung in 2017, when Trump, then president, openly threatened to pull the U.S. out of NATO and, on one occasion when asked about Russian election interference, said he trusted Putin over his own intelligence agencies.

The signs were there, flashing red — but Europe chose to look away. Now, the cost of that complacency is becoming impossible to ignore.

For Ukrainians, this race against time is even more literal: every day counts, and every delay can mean a new Russian offensive. At this very moment, Russia is mobilizing around 50,000 troops near the border with Sumy — potentially signaling not just an attempt to create the “buffer zone” Putin has demanded, but preparations for a new large-scale military advance.

None of this is to downplay the support Europe has already provided — it’s been essential. But that doesn’t mean it’s been enough, or delivered with the urgency the moment demands. While Putin takes advantage of U.S. ambiguity, Europe often falls into the trap of responding with long-term commitments that, although important, have little immediate effect on the battlefield.

Trump, despite his recent tough rhetoric, continues to offer Moscow concessions before they’re even requested.

In February 2025, he stated, “I’d love to have them back. I think it was a mistake to throw them out,” referring to Russia’s expulsion from the G8 after the annexation of Crimea. It’s exactly the kind of signal that undermines Western unity and hands the Kremlin an unearned diplomatic win — no pressure needed.

Meanwhile, Europe’s delayed promises may look good on paper, but they don’t change the reality on the ground, where time and resolve are the most decisive weapons.

Gestures like promising Ukraine EU membership by 2030 are certainly meaningful. They send the right message — that Ukraine belongs in the European family and that a future of integration and reconstruction lies ahead.

But these are not messages that deter the Kremlin. Because 2030 is five years away — and in a war where every month can redraw the front lines, that’s a long time.

Ukraine has stunned the world with its resilience, determination, and ability to adapt under extraordinary pressure. But even under U.S. President Joe Biden — a president who, despite his caution and delays, remained firmly committed to Kyiv — 20% of Ukraine’s territory remains under illegal Russian occupation. The question now is: what will Ukraine’s map look like in five years?

Europe, out of fear of escalation, has too often treated Ukraine as a burden. But the truth is that Ukraine should be seen as an opportunity — for integration, for strengthening collective security, and for renewing the European project.

Its Armed Forces, forged in the most demanding conditions, have accumulated real combat experience, developed homegrown technologies, created new drone models, and demonstrated a level of adaptability that many European militaries lack. More than that: Ukraine has kept its institutions functioning and its government operating under the pressure of war — something most European countries would struggle to do.

Russia ‘testing’ Europe’s capacity to help Ukraine by intensifying air attacks

As Russia ramps up its missile and drone strikes countrywide, all eyes are on Europe’s capacity to continue supporting Ukraine, with the future of U.S. military aid growing ever more uncertain. Ukraine should have enough air defense missiles despite the persisting shortage to avoid the worst of the

The Kyiv IndependentAsami Terajima

Ukraine is not just a country in need of help; it’s a partner with valuable capabilities to offer.

Europe must also understand that not every show of strength leads to escalation.

The recent use of the Russian Oreshnik missile against Ukrainian territory — following the U.S. decision in November 2024, under Biden, to authorize Ukraine’s use of ATACMS inside Russia — was a calculated, demonstrative move, not the start of a broader escalation.

In contrast, the unprecedented attacks on Kyiv and other regions in recent days were deliberate Russian actions that didn’t follow any “Ukrainian provocation.” They were likely triggered by something else entirely: the West’s visible hesitation to act more decisively.

When deterrence is delayed or watered down, it doesn’t prevent escalation — it invites it.

The message Moscow will understand is not the one about promises for 2030 — but the one about deliveries tomorrow.

Editor’s Note: The opinions expressed in the op-ed section are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Kyiv Independent.

European officials drafting proposals for a Ukraine peacekeeping force acknowledged that Europe must “get real” about the possibility of U.S. President Donald Trump abandoning support for Kyiv, the Telegraph reported on May 31 citing undisclosed sources.

According to the Telegraph, senior European diplomats meeting in The Hague agreed to shift their focus from deploying troops to enforce a ceasefire to preparing long-term strategies for supporting Ukraine without American backing.

Previously, the United Kingdom and France led  efforts to form a so-called “coalition of the willing,” a deterrence force that would be deployed in the event of a ceasefire between Russia and Ukraine. Leaders of 31 nations met in Paris on March 27 at a summit for the coalition.

While over 30 countries have expressed interest in the coalition, only a few have publicly committed to deploying troops.

“Let’s get real and admit the U.S. will never be on board,” the Telegraph quoted a Western official.

The comments reflect growing unease in European capitals about Trump’s continued opposition to Ukraine’s accession to NATO and his criticism of Kyiv’s war effort. On May 19, Trump reiterated he would abandon efforts to end Russia’s war against Ukraine if progress is not made.

One European diplomat said the discussions centered on how to maintain support “when we assume that the U.S. would only continue providing some specific assets, such as intelligence."

The discussions also touched on increasing economic pressure on Russia and inviting President Volodymyr Zelensky to the June NATO summit in The Hague, despite concerns about Trump’s resistance to Ukraine joining the alliance.

Italy’s ANSA news agency reported earlier this month that the United States opposed Zelensky’s participation, citing unnamed diplomatic sources. U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio denied the claims.

Trump has repeatedly echoed Moscow’s narrative that Ukraine’s efforts to join NATO have been one of the root causes of the full-scale invasion.

In March, Foreign Minister Andrii Sybiha firmly opposed any limitations on Ukraine’s right to join international organizations, specifically NATO and the European Union, as a condition for reaching a potential peace agreement.

All territory will revert to Ukraine, predicts US diplomat

The Kyiv Independent’s Chris York sits down with Michael Carpenter, former U.S. Ambassador to OSCE and senior director for Europe at the National Security Council, to discuss the current lagging U.S. military support for Ukraine amid the ongoing ceasefire talks with Russia. Carpenter also offers his predictions for the future of Ukraine’s occupied territories.

The Kyiv IndependentChris York

From my vantage point, having recently attended the Kyiv International Cyber Resilience Forum (KICRF) and witnessing firsthand the unwavering determination in the face of relentless digital aggression, the situation unfolding in Ukraine’s cyber domain demands our unvarnished attention.

The situation in Ukraine’s cyber domain is not merely a theoretical exercise in network security; it directly impacts national sovereignty and societal resilience.

What I observed in Kyiv was a nation locked in a persistent cyber struggle, primarily against the Kremlin’s digital legions — The Federal Security Service (FSB), Main Intelligence Directorate (GRU), Foreign Intelligence Service (SVR) and the Russian criminal actors — now further complicated by a significant shift in the international support landscape. The U.S. government appears to be withdrawing from the cybersecurity battlefield as evidenced by its wholesale reduction in personnel within key government entities, including the Critical Infrastructure Security Agency, and directives from administration leadership not to have national resources focus on Russian cyber activities.

In addition to this, the unexpected closure of the USAID mission in Ukraine, leading to the reduction of support to Ukraine’s ongoing cybersecurity efforts, casts a long shadow over Kyiv’s digital defenses. This was further highlighted by the palpable concerns expressed during the KICRF and the embarrassing and inexplicable absence of U.S. government participation.

The Russian attacks on Ukraine are multifaceted, targeting critical infrastructure — power grids, telecom networks, the financial system — to inflict maximum disruption, all designed to erode public confidence.

One cannot forget that intelligence gathering remains a constant, insidious undertow. Add to that the weaponization of information and the relentless campaigns to pollute the information space, erode trust, and undermine Ukraine’s narrative globally.

Then we have the repeated deployment of wiper malware — digital scorched earth tactics — underscoring the destructive intent. And while ransomware may have a profit motive, its impact on essential services amplifies the overall vulnerability.

However, amid this digital maelstrom, Ukraine demonstrates remarkable resilience and adaptability that demands significant attention and admiration. This is not a nation caught entirely off guard. Years of Russian aggression in the Donbas, the annexation of Crimea, and the 2015 attack on Ukraine's power grid all served as a training ground, forcing Kyiv to harden its digital defenses.

Crucially, the steady hand of international assistance — governments pooling resources through mechanisms like the Tallinn Accord, the strategic guidance of entities like the EU and NATO, and the often-unsung contributions of private sector cyber defenders — has provided a vital lifeline of expertise, technology, and funding.

And let me be clear, Ukraine possesses a cadre of highly skilled cyber professionals, both within government agencies and the private sector, individuals who are actively engaged in the digital war. Their agility, their ability to adapt to evolving threats in real-time, is a testament to their resolve. As we have seen, this adaptability and teamwork are foundational to their cyber resilience.

However, the cessation of USAID's programs, which included significant initiatives in cybersecurity for critical infrastructure and digital transformation — areas where sustained support is paramount — injects a new and unwelcome element of uncertainty. The loss of this funding stream will undoubtedly create gaps in Ukraine's ability to modernize its defenses, train its personnel, and implement crucial security measures. The growing dependence on other international partners intensifies, placing greater pressure on those who remain dedicated to upholding Ukraine's digital sovereignty.

This is where the global cyber ecosystem — both commercial and governmental, now operating with one less major player — faces a starker choice: stand by and watch the digital defenses fray or step into the breach with even greater resolve.

For Ukrainian tech companies, this is not just a crisis; it is an even more urgent imperative to innovate under pressure. The demand for tailored cybersecurity solutions — threat intelligence platforms with local context, rapid incident response capabilities, and secure communication channels designed for a hostile environment — is now amplified.

Investing in the next generation of cyber defenders through robust training and education programs is paramount. Strategic alliances with trusted international partners are no longer a luxury; they are a necessity for accelerated technology and knowledge transfer.

For international companies, the call to action is now imbued with a greater sense of urgency.

Providing Ukraine with access to the sharpest cyber tools — AI-driven threat detection, advanced endpoint protection, resilient cloud infrastructure — isn't just good PR; it is a strategic necessity to compensate for the receding U.S. presence.

Investing in Ukraine's tech sector, establishing a local footprint, or forging genuine partnerships contributes to long-term stability and fills a growing void. More is needed to offset the USAID withdrawal.

The timely sharing of actionable threat intelligence is a cornerstone of the collective digital defense, now even more critical with potentially reduced intelligence sharing through formal U.S. channels. Supporting and contributing to cybersecurity education initiatives helps build a sustainable talent pipeline, which is crucial in light of potential limitations in U.S.-funded programs. Engaging in meaningful public-private partnerships and leveraging the unique strengths of all stakeholders are the only ways to build truly resilient defenses in this evolving landscape.

Russia's cyber activity knows no geographic boundary. We must reject the notion that Russia's illegal war targets only Ukraine; Russia is at war with everyone.

This is not about charity; it is about safeguarding the integrity of the global digital commons in the face of a persistent and emboldened adversary whose digital reach extends far beyond the physical borders of Ukraine. The imperative — and the heightened responsibility – to act decisively is now upon us. The unexpected withdrawal of a major player, the United States, only amplifies the urgency for others to step forward and fill the digital breach, recognizing that the digital front line in Ukraine is a frontline for us all.

Editor’s Note: Air raids are becoming more frequent, with saturation drone attacks happening on a frequent basis. See this latest chart from The Economist, showing how many attacks there have been as of mid-May.

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To defeat the enemy, you must first understand them.

That is how Oleksandr sees his work.

Once a Russian philologist – someone who studies the history of languages – he now studies the people who are invading his homeland and threatening his loved ones.

Oleksandr says his job is similar to that of a biologist: to understand a frog, you have to dissect it. He is now dissecting Russian imperialism: examining its inner workings to expose and teach the Ukrainian security services.

"I went from being a teacher of the history of the Russian language to a person who hates everything Russian," said Oleksandr Bondarenko, head of the Department of East Slavic Studies at the Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv.

Since the beginning of Russia’s full-scale invasion, Ukrainians have started to reject the Russian language, which has been imposed on them for centuries and now weaponized by Moscow as part of its hybrid warfare.

A collective postcolonial trauma, disgust toward anything associated with the aggressor, and the war itself have led Ukrainians to symbolically disregard the Russian language.

During last week’s negotiations in Istanbul, for example, the Ukrainian delegation communicated with the Russians exclusively through an interpreter, deliberately separating themselves from their counterparts.

However, for professionals on the front lines confronting Russians, understanding their enemy — their mentality, language, and culture — is key. Conducting reconnaissance, recruiting Russians for collaboration by understanding their mentality, analyzing intercepted information, identifying saboteurs, and carrying out counter-propaganda — all of this becomes possible when you study Russians under a microscope.

“I came to understand that first comes the Russian language, and then the boot of the Russian soldier and the Russian tank follow,” Oleksandr said.

Oleksandr grew up as an ordinary Soviet citizen, steeped in the ideals of internationalism. During those times there were no Russians, Ukrainians, Kazakhs, or Georgians — only one people: the Soviet people. And they had only one language: Russian.

The Ukrainian language wasn’t perceived as one. In fact, over the last 400 years, Ukrainian language has been banned at least 134 times — mostly by the Russians. Amid this lack of recognition, Ukrainians did not have a stable linguistic identity. As a result, for a long time, Ukraine was rarely perceived as an independent country – instead, as just another Russian territory.

The regions now considered predominantly Russian-speaking are a direct result of forced Russification, which intensified after Stalin's genocidal campaign known as the Holodomor, committed in 1932–1933. About 4.5 million people were exterminated by a man-made famine.

It wasn’t until the Soviet Union began to fall apart that Oleksandr started to realize his life had been steeped in propaganda, and that he had been living in a country that was not what it claimed to be.

The inflection point in his career, Oleksandr confessed, happened in 2014, when Russia seized Crimea and parts of Donetsk and Luhansk regions.

Since then, he slowly began to change his curriculum: he no longer teaches that Russian was a language close to them — it was now the language of their enemy.

“One of the key areas [we focus on teaching] is understanding the 'mysterious Russian soul.’ But without illusions or the promotion of their ideas, as is often the case in many Slavic studies programs in the West, which are in reality not truly Slavic studies, but rather Russian studies,” shared Oleksandr with The Counteroffensive.

Oleksandr is also part of a group of academics who are training specialists for counter-propaganda purposes. He teaches his students how to use knowledge of the Russian language, literature, history, and culture to, for example, infiltrate society and spread disguised counter-propaganda content that will destabilize Russia from within.

This initiative was recognized by Ukraine’s Security Service academy in 2016, which started a partnership with the department Oleksandr now leads.

During the first step of Russia’s aggression in 2014, Ukraine had to shift their inherited Cold War-era methods, which targeted the United States as the aggressor. Now, the enemy was a country that until recently had been fighting on their same side.

For years before the 2014 invasion, Moscow had been weakening Ukrainian security services from within. Under the Ukrainian presidency of Viktor Yanukovych, known to be a Kremlin puppet, nearly all efforts to counter Russian FSB agents were dismantled.

But Ukraine had some inherent strengths when it came to counter-intelligence: a deep familiarity with Russian methods.

The forced imposition of culture, language, and ‘shared’ traditions turned many Ukrainians into highly skilled operatives behind enemy lines and in occupied territories. Moreover, close family ties with Russians enabled intelligence gathering deep inside Russia.

So, starting in 2015, the CIA invested tens of millions of dollars to transform Ukraine’s outdated Soviet-style security services. As a result, Ukraine began to carry out successful independent operations.

In 2016, for instance, Ukrainian intelligence agents assassinated Russian mercenary Arsen Pavlov (callsign ‘Motorola’), a war criminal involved in the conflict in eastern Ukraine in 2014, by blowing him up in an elevator. After 2022, similar operations would reach even deeper into Russia’s rear, eventually targeting senior Russian military leadership.

As of now, Ukraine’s Security Service (SBU), along with other intelligence agencies, is capable of striking deep into Russia with drones, organizing sabotage missions, and destroying key military-industrial facilities.

Oleksandr himself has contributed to SBU’s success by training personnel, even though his role has been mostly academic. He has delivered humanity-focused lectures to special forces operatives undergoing retraining, as well as to cyber specialists and hackers.

This linguistic context is crucial to defend the Ukrainian information, cyber, and communication space from Russian attacks, as well as waging a hybrid warfare.

“For example, identifying someone’s region of origin based on specific pronunciation can be critical during interrogations. Or understanding how to communicate with different target audiences based on gender or age,” Oleksandr explained.

Oleksandr admits that he had been expecting a new phase of the war since 2019, when he observed a growing spread of ‘What difference does it make?’ among Ukrainians during that year’s presidential elections.

"At that moment, I felt relief that shatters your cognitive abilities. Just waiting for [the war] to happen, and seeing that nothing is being done to prepare for it — that was the scariest part," Oleksandr noted.

When Russia’s full-scale invasion started, Oleksandr’s department was renamed the Department of East Slavic Philology. Russian, the language that is rejected by many Ukrainians, is still taught there.

Yet, students are learning technologies of linguistic influence, state strategic communications, and other applied disciplines that are based on the aggressor’s language and culture, which can then be used against it.

"Working with Russian propaganda, we can’t just put on a white lab coat and think, ‘they’re throwing shit at us, but we’re clean and fluffy.’ That doesn’t work in hybrid warfare," Oleksandr told The Counteroffensive.

Currently, Ukraine's level of counter-propaganda is significantly lower than Russia's influence. Moscow pours large sums into spreading its ‘truth.’ In 2024 alone, it spent $27 million per week.

Oleksandr wants to fix that by training specialists who can effectively spread messages deep in enemy territory, such as his students.

"During the study of strategic communications, we assigned our students homework to write a script for a computer game that could be launched as propaganda in enemy territory,” said Oleksandr.

He is proud of one of his students who wrote a poem that could be circulated among Russians, containing anti-war messages to remind them that their family, wife, and children are waiting for them at home.

The poem encourages them not to continue fighting, and instead to consider surrendering or avoiding mobilization. As he said, it is a type of content that is ready to spread among Russians.

Meanwhile, Oleksandr is convinced that ordinary citizens should not be delving into Russian culture – almost like a nuclear scientist warning of the dangers of an average person handling plutonium.

“An average person can’t tell the difference between honey and poison. This poison slowly eats away at them… Stay away from Moscow in all these matters,” Oleksandr said.

NEWS OF THE DAY

Good morning to readers; Kyiv remains in Ukrainian hands.

RUSSIA RETURNED KYIV DEPORTEES IN POW SWAP: More than half of the civilians who returned to Ukraine as part of the ‘1000 to 1000’ prisoner exchange were convicted of criminal offenses unrelated to the war, according to Suspilne. Russia had planned to deport them to Ukraine anyway after they served their sentences.

Among them are 15 civilians who had been serving sentences in penal colonies located in the occupied territories of Kherson and Mykolaiv regions. Nearly 50 others were Ukrainian citizens living in Russia who had been convicted of various crimes. Ukraine did not expect Moscow to include them in the exchange.

FAKE DRONE ATTACK ON PUTIN: The Kremlin staged an incident suggesting Putin’s helicopter came under a massive drone attack during his visit to the Kursk region, The Moscow Times reported.

Security forces reportedly promoted the story to portray Putin as close to the people and willing to face risks and sacrifices. His safety during the trip, despite frequent Ukrainian drone strikes in the area, was allegedly ensured at the highest level. The claim was circulated by the Ministry of Defense via state broadcaster VGTRK.

RUSSIA DID NOT PRESENT CEASEFIRE ‘MEMORANDUM’: Russia has yet to provide Kyiv with its ceasefire ‘memorandum’ outlining conditions to halt hostilities, making a breakthrough in negotiations unlikely, Zelenskyy said.

Both sides’ memorandums are expected to be discussed at the next round of peace talks in Turkey, scheduled for Monday, June 2. Although Moscow has not formally presented its demands, it claims it may consider a ceasefire if Kyiv halts mobilization and stops receiving Western weapons.

GOATS OF WAR

You have GOAT to be kidding me! Tim saw these two fellas while walking near St. Sophia cathedral in central Kyiv; they were enjoying the sunset and even a few bits of seeds he got to feed them.

Stay safe out there!

Best,
Mariana

Reports of an imminent Russian summer offensive and troop build ups on Ukraine’s border are raising alarms in Sumy Oblast and fears that a large-scale assault could be on the horizon.

Russian President Vladimir Putin on May 22 said he had ordered his military to create a “security buffer zone” along the border, and President Volodymyr Zelensky later claimed 50,000 of Moscow’s troops were amassed “in the direction of Sumy."

“These are trained combat units — airborne troops, marines, those that were specially transferred to displace our troops,” a source in Ukraine’s defense forces told the Kyiv Independent.

Russian forces have already launched limited offensive operations and captured a small number of villages in the oblast, but soldiers and experts who spoke to the Kyiv Independent say the Kremlin’s full intentions remain murky.

Adding to the information fog, journalists’ access to Sumy Oblast has been limited by the Security Service of Ukraine (SBU) since the withdrawal from Kursk Oblast, and the Ukrainian military has shared little information on the front-line situation.

When contacted by the Kyiv Independent, the Ukrainian military command of Kursk Oblast declined to comment, citing a “limited” ability to comment on the situation in the area.

Sumy Oblast and the Kursk operation

The warning of a renewed Russian push into Sumy Oblast comes two months after Ukrainian troops had to withdraw from Russia’s adjacent Kursk Oblast after losing the logistics hub town of Sudzha.

As soon as Ukraine’s costly Kursk operation died out, Russian troops took the momentum and began raids into Sumy Oblast, depriving Kyiv of the opportunity to recover and rebuild the defenses there.

Meanwhile, U.S. President Donald Trump continues to push for peace talks to end the war at all costs, with Ukraine and Russia planning to meet again in Istanbul on June 2 despite previous talks yielding minimal results.

The Ukrainian troops on the ground

Uncertain of what might lay ahead, Ukrainian soldiers on the ground are bracing for tougher days.

With many units exhausted after seven months of holding onto the Kursk salient under heavy Russian first-person view (FPV) drones and glide bombs, Kyiv’s ability to hold the Sumy Oblast defense would depend on how it can reinforce the area despite a manpower shortage.

Ukrainian local authorities admitted on May 26 that Russia has already captured four border villages in Sumy Oblast, including Novenke, Zhuravka, Veselivka, and Basivka.

Russian troops were deploying the now-familiar tactics of using small assault groups, relying on “fast movement” with quad bikes, according to a deputy company commander with the 80th Air Assault Brigade, who goes by his callsign Third.

“Only time will tell (how prepared Ukraine is),” he told the Kyiv Independent.

Russia is conducting small assaults most actively in the areas of the Zhuravka and Basivka villages, but it has also widened “the attempt zone” using similar tactics, according to the State Border Guard Service spokesperson Andriy Demchenko.

Russian forces have also begun pushing westward, near the villages of Veselivka and Volodymyrivka, but are reportedly suffering heavy losses.

“Despite the fact that the enemy is suffering losses, we see that they openly do not give a damn about their soldiers,” Demchenko told the Kyiv Independent.

How far does Russia plan to advance into Sumy Oblast?

The scale at which Russia plans to advance into Sumy Oblast is unclear. So far, it has been a gradual push over the past few weeks, slowly capturing the border villages, according to Emil Kastehelmi, an analyst at the Finland-based Black Bird Group monitoring the war closely through open sources. He expected it to continue in the near future.

Demchenko from the State Border Guard confirmed to the Kyiv Independent on May 20 that Russia was bringing more equipment into the border area. He said that attacks remained small incursions with squads of infantry using equipment no larger than quad bikes.

It is unclear how much equipment Moscow amassed near Sumy Oblast.

Civilians in Sumy Oblast

A civilian evacuation in Sumy Oblast — a region that has been regularly struck by Russian attacks since 2022 but intensified since the Kursk incursion — is ongoing.

Nearly 56,000 residents were evacuated from Sumy Oblast under mandatory evacuation orders, Governor Oleh Hryhorov said on May 19.

As of May 20, a representative for the Regional Military Administration said that three municipalities — Bilopillya, Vorozhba, and Nova Sloboda — had been asked to evacuate in the preceding month, but said authorities were not yet forcing residents to evacuate.

“As for what’s happening on the border itself, only soldiers can answer, but as of today, there’s no threat to the oblast from there,” they told the Kyiv Independent.

While Russian forces will likely continue their “slow kind of offensive operation” in the northern border areas of Sumy Oblast, the eastern region of Donbas will likely remain Moscow’s priority, according to Kastehelmi from the Black Bird Group.

He said he would be “surprised” if Sumy Oblast became one of the main axes of any Russian summer offensive, given that it would further stretch Moscow’s troops and it could likely achieve more on other fronts, such as the Donbas or the southeastern Zaporizhzhia Oblast.

“It’s likely that the Russians continue to attack in Sumy (Oblast) too, but I would assess it as a secondary direction where they can tie up Ukrainian resources,” he said.

Border areas are usually difficult to fortify due to raids from both sides and their proximity to Russia, which makes engineering equipment particularly vulnerable to potential attacks.

Kastehelmi said that while Russia appears to have captured more villages than the Ukrainian local authorities had confirmed, the pace has been “really slow,” and Moscow could simply be trying to prevent another potential Ukrainian incursion.

“They may try to gain more ground there (in Sumy Oblast), maybe capture a few more villages, but it doesn’t really change the general situation if the Russians control just a small sector,” Kastehelmi said.

The Deputy Company Commander from the 80th brigade, Third, said that the situation near the border was “more or less normal (and) controlled,” and Sumy continued to “live its life to the fullest” despite the nightly drone attacks.

But the high number of Russian troops deployed near Sumy Oblast still has Ukrainian soldiers on the ground on their toes.

Illia, a serviceman from the 80th brigade, said in mid-May that he was not sure whether there would be an offensive into Sumy Oblast, but expected the assaults to continue.

“There could be an offensive — there could not be as well,” he told the Kyiv Independent.

The source in Ukraine’s defense forces told the Kyiv Independent that Russia’s full intentions will depend on whether or not it manages to secure the so-called “security buffer zone” ordered by Putin.

“It is clear to us that if they manage to do this, they will go further,” they said.

“Because Russia’s overall goal has not changed — to occupy all of Ukraine."

The Hungary-Ukraine spy scandal and Russia’s possible role, explained

Ukraine’s rocky relationship with Hungary reached new lows this month with the uncovering of an alleged spy ring run from Budapest. Arrests, tit-for-tat expulsions, and a stream of accusations from Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban soon followed in a diplomatic scandal with potentially massive ramifications for both countries. “This is

The Kyiv IndependentYuliia Taradiuk

Ukraine’s Commander-in-Chief Oleksandr Syrskyi said on May 31 that Russian forces have ramped up assault operations across key fronts in Zaporizhzhia, Donetsk, and Sumy oblasts.

"(Russian troops) have notably increased activity in the Zaporizhzhia direction, where they are conducting active offensive actions," Syrskyi said following a strategic meeting assessing military operations in May.

According to Syrskyi, Ukraine’s Armed Forces are inflicting substantial losses on Russian troops, claiming over 34,000 Russian personnel were killed in May alone. Ukrainian artillery, aviation, and drone systems have been targeting enemy units “even before they reach our positions,” he said.

While Russia’s main efforts remain concentrated on the Pokrovsk, Toretsk and Lyman fronts in Donetsk Oblast, as well as in Ukraine’s northeastern Sumy Oblast bordering Russia, Zaporizhzhia has seen an uptick in escalation, Syrskyi noted.

He added that Ukrainian forces are reinforcing high-risk areas with reserves and intensifying firepower to repel attacks.

In the Sumy Oblast, Russian forces have continued cross-border raids, shelling, and attempted sabotage missions. Ukrainian officials and military analysts warn of a possible new Russian offensive targeting the region.

On May 29, State Border Guard Service spokesperson Andrii Demchenko said Russia had amassed “sufficient forces” in neighboring Kursk Oblast to potentially launch an incursion into Sumy.

Syrskyi also highlighted Ukrainian cross-border operations, stating that in May, Ukraine struck 58 military targets deep inside Russian territory using long-range DeepStrike systems. These included defense industry facilities producing explosive materials and combat drones.

Fighting continues on the Kursk front, where Russia has deployed elite units initially intended for operations in eastern Ukraine.

On May 21, Russian President Vladimir Putin reportedly visited Kursk Oblast after Moscow declared on April 26 that it had completed a military operation to liberate the territory from Ukrainian incursions.

The Ukrainian military said on April 26 some of the areas were still under their control.

Ukrainian drones hit Russian cruise missile factory, SBU source says, in one of largest reported strikes of full-scale war

Dozens of Ukrainian drones were shot down by Russian air defenses as they approached Moscow, Mayor Sergey Sobyanin claimed on May 28.

The Kyiv IndependentLucy Pakhnyuk

NATO is not holding any active discussions on Russia’s demand that the alliance halt its eastward expansion,  Radio Free Europe / Radio Liberty wrote, citing several undisclosed NATO officials and diplomats.

Speaking on condition of anonymity, the NATO officials said that the issue of NATO’s potential non-enlargement has not been raised at any recent, or even earlier, alliance meetings. One official called it “perhaps just an academic discussion,” noting that any such decision would require full consensus among NATO members.

The clarification comes after Reuters reported on May 28 that Russian President Vladimir Putin’s conditions for ending the war in Ukraine include receiving a written commitment from Western leaders to cease NATO’s expansion.

Russian propaganda for years insisted that Ukraine’s ambition to join NATO was a major trigger for its invasion. Russia’s military aggression against Ukraine started in 2014 with the annexation of Crimea and the war in eastern Ukraine, at a time when Ukraine’s chances and desires of joining the alliance were low.

According to NATO sources cited by Radio Liberty, the written pledge Moscow demands is unrealistic. “It’s not something they (Russia) can just get,” one diplomat said, pointing to international agreements that enshrine every nation’s right to freely choose its alliances — including the North Atlantic Treaty of 1949, the 1969 Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties, and the 1975 Helsinki Final Act.

A separate source referenced the NATO-Russia Founding Act of 1997, a document some consider obsolete but still formally existing, which affirms respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all states and upholds the principle of self-determination.

U.S. Special Envoy Keith Kellogg said in a May 29 interview with ABC News that NATO’s eastward expansion is a “fair” concern for Putin. He also emphasized that Ukraine’s membership in the alliance is “not on the table.”

U.S. President Donald Trump has also repeatedly echoed Moscow’s narrative that Ukraine’s efforts to join NATO have been one of the root causes of the full-scale invasion.

In March, Foreign Minister Andrii Sybiha firmly opposed any limitations on Ukraine’s right to join international organizations, specifically NATO and the European Union, as a condition for reaching a potential peace agreement.

Ukraine applied for NATO membership in September 2022, months after the outbreak of the full-scale war. The country has not received a formal invitation, as the 32 members have not reached a consensus.

Why doesn’t NATO open its doors to Ukraine?

NATO membership for Ukraine is becoming increasingly elusive. The previous U.S. administration silently opposed extending a NATO invitation to Ukraine. The current U.S. administration has made its opposition public. “You can forget about (NATO membership). That’s probably the reason the whole thing (war) started,” U.S. President Donald

The Kyiv IndependentKateryna Hodunova

The United Kingdom has labeled Russia as an “immediate and pressing” threat in a major strategic defense review set to be published Monday, the Guardian reported on May 31

The 130-page review, prepared by a panel of senior advisers including former NATO Secretary-General George Robertson, will reportedly highlight the “immediate and pressing” danger posed by Russia, drawing on lessons from its full-scale invasion of Ukraine.

The analysis comes at a time of heightened concern across Europe over the potential for expanded conflict, as Russia continues its military buildup in Ukraine’s northeastern Sumy Oblast and maintains strongholds across occupied Ukrainian territory.

British and French forces have already committed to leading a multinational “reassurance force” of up to 30,000 troops in Ukraine, should a ceasefire be reached, a prospect made uncertain by the Kremlin’s continued aggression and maximalist demands.

Ukraine and Russia are expected to meet on June 2 in Istanbul after the first round of peace talks on May 16. During the first round of talks in Turkey the two sides failed to reach agreement on a 30-day ceasefire.

Ukraine had offered an immediate halt to hostilities, an all-for-all prisoner swap, and a meeting between Presidents Volodymyr Zelensky and Vladimir Putin. Russia refused, instead sending a low-level delegation.

The only decision reached during the talks was an agreement on a 1,000-for-1,000 prisoner exchange.

Alongside Russia, the review identifies China as a “sophisticated and persistent challenge,” noting Beijing’s growing ties with Moscow and its role in supplying critical components for Russian weapons systems.

Recently, Zelensky reportedly said that China stopped shipping drones to Ukraine and its European partners, while continues supplying them to Russia.

Ukrainian Foreign Intelligence Chief Oleh Ivashchenko alleged that Beijing provided special chemicals, gunpowder, and other defense-related materials to at least 20 Russian military-industrial facilities.

The British review is also expected to address the shrinking size of the British Army, which has dropped below 71,000 active-duty troops — its lowest strength since the Napoleonic era, the Guardian reported.

Peter Ricketts, a former national security adviser, said that while drones, cyber capabilities and artificial intelligence are crucial, “another lesson of Ukraine is that mass counts, in terms of manpower and equipment."

The report also reportedly references broader global threats posed by a “deadly quartet”: Russia, China, Iran, and North Korea, who are increasingly collaborating across multiple domains. Iran has supplied drones to Russia, while North Korea have also deployed troops to aid Moscow.

Russia ‘testing’ Europe’s capacity to help Ukraine by intensifying air attacks

As Russia ramps up its missile and drone strikes countrywide, all eyes are on Europe’s capacity to continue supporting Ukraine, with the future of U.S. military aid growing ever more uncertain. Ukraine should have enough air defense missiles despite the persisting shortage to avoid the worst of the

The Kyiv IndependentAsami Terajima

Authorities have ordered the mandatory evacuation of residents from 11 additional villages in Sumy Oblast due to escalating Russian attacks, Governor Oleh Hryhorov said on May 31.

Hryhorov signed the order citing the “constant threat to civilian life” caused by ongoing shelling in the region. The evacuation covers settlements in local communities of Sumy Oblast, which lies  near the Russian border.

"(Russia) continues its terror of the borderlands, and our shared task is to save every life," Hryhorov said in a statement. “I urge residents not to delay the decision to evacuate. Staying in a zone of constant danger is a direct threat to your life and health."

With the latest order, a total of 213 settlements in Sumy Oblast are now under mandatory evacuation.

The move comes as Ukrainian officials and military analysts warn of a possible new Russian offensive targeting the region. On May 29, State Border Guard Service spokesperson Andrii Demchenko said Russia had amassed “sufficient forces” in neighboring Kursk Oblast to potentially launch an incursion into Sumy.

Speaking on national television, Demchenko noted that Russian troops have remained stationed in Kursk Oblast after being pushed out by Ukrainian forces during a counteroffensive in August 2024. Since then, Kyiv has observed fluctuating numbers of soldiers and equipment along the border.

“They have enough forces there (in Kursk Oblast) to carry out operations against our border and attempt to attack the territory of Ukraine,” Demchenko said.

Russian forces recently captured four border villages, Novenke, Zhuravka, Veselivka, and Basivka, prompting further concern. President Volodymyr Zelensky said earlier that Moscow is concentrating 50,000 troops near Sumy Oblast in a bid to create a 10-kilometer buffer zone.

Russia may ‘consider’ ceasefire if Ukraine stops mobilization, arms deliveries, ambassador says

Russia’s envoy to the United Nations, Vasily Nebenzya, pledged that Moscow would “continue and intensify military operations for as long as necessary.”

The Kyiv IndependentTim Zadorozhnyy

At least 10 people were killed and 32 others injured over the past 24 hours as Russian forces launched widespread aerial and artillery attacks across multiple Ukrainian regions,  regional officials and Ukraine’s Air Force reported on May 31.

Ukrainian defenses shot down 69 drones and three Kh-59/69 guidedq missiles using air defense systems, electronic warfare, and mobile fire teams.

In Kharkiv Oblast, Governor Oleh Syniehubov said a series of strikes hit Kharkiv and nine surrounding settlements. Six people were injured. The oblast endured attacks with various weapons including 26 Shahed drones, 11 unguided rockets, and guided aerial bombs. Dozens of civilian infrastructure sites were reportedly damaged or destroyed.

In Kherson Oblast, Governor Oleksandr Prokudin reported three people were killed and 10 others injured as Russia targeted more than 30 towns and villages with drones, artillery, and airstrikes. Critical and residential infrastructure was hit, including a private house, gas pipeline, garages, and vehicles.

In Zaporizhzhia Oblast, Governor Ivan Fedorov said one child was killed and another injured in Dolynka village. Russian forces launched 628 strikes across 24 settlements, including 40 airstrikes, 376 drone attacks (mostly FPV), and 205 artillery strikes.

In Dnipropetrovsk Oblast, Governor Serhii Lysak said two people were injured in attacks on the Nikopol area, including the city itself and the surrounding communities. Artillery, FPV drones, and drone-dropped munitions were used.

In Sumy Oblast, regional officials reported that one person injured in earlier attacks died in a hospital, bringing the civilian toll to at least one dead and four wounded in the past day. More than 160 strikes hit 39 settlements in 16 communities. Weapons used included air-dropped bombs, MLRS, and explosive devices from drones.

In Donetsk Oblast, Governor Vadym Filashkin reported five civilians were killed. Nine more people were injured. The death toll does not include casualties from occupied Mariupol and Volnovakha.

Zelensky doubts June 2 talks will yield results as Russia withholds ceasefire plan

“The Russians have been unable to present the so-called ‘memorandum’ for over a week, which they promised to prepare immediately after the 1,000-for-1,000 exchange,” Zelensky wrote on Telegram. “Ukraine has not received any documents from them.”

The Kyiv IndependentTim Zadorozhnyy

Russia has lost around 987,330 troops in Ukraine since the beginning of its full-scale invasion on Feb. 24, 2022, the General Staff of Ukraine’s Armed Forces reported on May 31.

The number includes 1,250 casualties Russian forces suffered just over the past day.

According to the report, Russia has also lost 10,867 tanks, 22,652 armored fighting vehicles, 50,198 vehicles and fuel tanks, 28,475 artillery systems, 1,400 multiple launch rocket systems, 1,173 air defense systems, 372 airplanes, 336 helicopters, 38,215 drones, 28 ships and boats, and one submarine.

Trump ‘very surprised, disappointed’ at Russian attacks on Ukraine amid peace talks

“I’ve gotten to see things I was very surprised at. Rockets being shot into cities like Kyiv during a negotiation that was maybe very close to ending,” Trump said during a news conference in the Oval Office. “All of a sudden rockets got shot into a couple of cities and people died. I saw thing I was surprised at and I don’t like being surprised, so I’m very disappointed in that way.”

The Kyiv IndependentDmytro Basmat

Editor’s note: This is a developing story and is being updated.

One child was killed and another was injured in a Russian missile attack on Zaporizhzhia Oblast overnight on May 31.

A 9-year-old girl was killed and a 16-year-old was injured in the Polohivskyi district of Zaporizhzhia Oblast as a result of a Russian missile attack, Governor Ivan Fedorov said in a post to Telegram.

“One house was destroyed. Several other houses, cars, and outbuildings were damaged by the blast wave,” he added.

The attack occurred in the frontline village of Dolynka in the Polohivskyi district, Fedorov said.

Russia has regularly targeted civilian infrastructure in aerial attacks against Ukraine since the start of its full-scale war in February 2022.

Moscow has intensified drone and missile attacks against Ukraine despite peace talks between Kyiv and Moscow in Istanbul on May 16.

The talks in Turkey were largely inconclusive. Russia reiterated maximalist demands that Ukraine hand over Crimea and eastern oblasts.

The two sides were able to agree to a 1,000-for-1,000 prisoner exchange, which was carried out between May 23 and 25.

Russian President Vladimir Putin refused President Volodymyr Zelensky’s invitation to meet face-to-face in Istanbul. Instead, Russia sent a delegation of lower-level officials led by Putin’s aide, Vladimir Medinsky.

Russia has refused a ceasefire and instead insisted it would provide Ukraine with a peace memorandum shortly after the May 16 talks. Ukraine and Russia are slated to hold another round of peace talks on June 2.

Meanwhile, Kyiv is still awaiting Russia’s proposed ceasefire memorandum, Ukrainian Defense Minister Rustem Umerov said on May 28.

Ukraine war latest: Ukraine attacks elite Russian unit base nearly 7,000km away in Vladivostok, source claims

Key developments on May 28: * Ukraine attacks elite Russian unit base nearly 7,000km away in Vladivostok, source claims * Ukraine ready for 2nd round of Istanbul talks but seeks Russian draft memo in advance, Yermak says * Senate to ‘start moving’ Russia sanctions bill next week, Graham says * Russia may ‘consider’

The Kyiv IndependentThe Kyiv Independent news desk

Ukraine will skip a $665 million government debt payment after failing to agree on restructuring terms with creditors, Bloomberg reported on May 30.

“Ukraine remains committed to implementing a comprehensive, fair and equitable restructuring of the GDP-linked securities,” the Finance Ministry told Bloomberg.

On April 24, the Ukrainian government said it failed to reach an agreement with its debtholders to restructure approximately $2.6 billion of debt. This indicated Kyiv could default on its latest payment.

The debt consists of so-called GDP warrants, a financial instrument that gives the debtholder the right to additional payments based on economic performance.

Ukraine has said it will seek to abide by its agreements with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and official partners, Bloomberg reported.

The IMF has warned that failure to resolve the GDP warrant issue could threaten further debt restructuring, as well as an ongoing $15.6 billion bailout program, the Extended Fund Facility (EFF).

Kyiv reached an agreement with some of its creditors in July 2024 to restructure more than $20 billion in international bonds, allowing Ukraine to avoid default amid Russia’s full-scale war.

In September, the Finance Ministry announced it had reduced state debt by $9 billion after completing an external debt restructuring process.

Ukraine’s economy has struggled in the face of Russia’s war. Its GDP fell drastically in the early days of Russia’s full-scale invasion and has steadily grown since.

The European Bank for Development and Reconstruction (EBRD) forecasts Ukraine’s GDP will grow 3.3% in 2025, down from an initial forecast expecting growth of 3.5%.

Ukraine war latest: Ukraine attacks elite Russian unit base nearly 7,000km away in Vladivostok, source claims

Key developments on May 28: * Ukraine attacks elite Russian unit base nearly 7,000km away in Vladivostok, source claims * Ukraine ready for 2nd round of Istanbul talks but seeks Russian draft memo in advance, Yermak says * Senate to ‘start moving’ Russia sanctions bill next week, Graham says * Russia may ‘consider’

The Kyiv IndependentThe Kyiv Independent news desk

In a prisoner exchange held from May 23 to 25, Russia sent Ukraine 65 prisoners who were set to be deported to Ukraine regardless of the swap, Suspilne reported on May 30.

Ukraine and Russia held a 1,000-for-1,000 prisoner exchange from May 23 to 25 after previously agreeing to the exchange at peace talks on May 16. Aside from yielding a prisoner exchange, the peace negotiations in Istanbul were largely inconclusive.

The majority of those exchanged were prisoners of war in Russia’s war against Ukraine. 880 of 1,000 were military personnel. 120 of those returned were civilians held in Russian captivity, 65 of whom were set to be deported to Ukraine regardless of the prisoner exchange.

15 of the prisoners were serving sentences. Meanwhile, 50 of the exchanged prisoners were indefinitely held in detention facilities for foreigners not permitted to stay in Russia, awaiting deportation to Ukraine, Suspilne reported.

While in captivity, the prisoners were offered freedom and Russian citizenship if they fought on behalf of Russia in its war against Ukraine.

“We were lucky. But it would have been better if the guys who fought had been given up instead of us,” one of the released prisoners said.

Many of the released prisoners were returned to Ukraine without their legal documents, including passports.

Russia regularly convicts people of politically motivated charges in an effort to silence opposition to its war against Ukraine.

On April 18, a court in St. Petersburg sentenced 19-year-old Darya Kozyreva to two years and eight months in a penal colony for allegedly “discrediting” the Russian army.

Kozyreva was arrested on Feb. 24, 2024, after she affixed a verse from Taras Shevchenko’s “My Testament” to his statue in St. Petersburg.

Another case was filed against her in August after she gave an interview to Radio Free Europe in which she denounced Russia’s war in Ukraine as “monstrous” and “criminal."

Ukraine watches closely as Poland faces polarizing presidential run-off

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The Kyiv IndependentAleksander Palikot

Claims of Russian President Vladimir Putin’s helicopter being “at the epicenter” of a Ukrainian drone attack in Kursk Oblast were reportedly fabricated by the Kremlin, the Moscow Times reported on May 30, citing four Russian government sources.

A Russian military commander claimed on May 20 that Putin’s helicopter was subject to a Ukrainian drone attack in Russia’s Kursk Oblast, as Putin made his first known visit to the region since Moscow claimed its recapture.

“We were simultaneously engaged in an air defense battle and ensuring airspace security for the president’s helicopter flight,” Yury Dashkin, commander of an air defense division, said, as cited by the Russian news agency RBC on May 25. “The helicopter was effectively at the epicenter of the response to the massive drone attack."

Multiple sources in the Kremlin told the Moscow Times that Russia’s Defense Ministry had disseminated the story to Russian-state media as a means to make Putin appear as though he “shares the danger” of the war, in an attempt to garner support for the Russian president by painting him as more closely involved in the fighting.

Despite the claims, Putin’s visit to Kursk Oblast was conducted in secrecy, with Russian-state media reporting on the trip after it had concluded, according to the Moscow Times.

“President Putin himself is suffering, struggling, and even risking his own life. Your problems are trivial. You must grit your teeth and endure,” a government official told the Moscow Times, in describing the Kremlin’s motivation behind the staging.

The reportedly fabricated story comes as Kyiv has ramped up its attack on Moscow, launching hundreds of Ukrainian kamikaze drones towards the Russian capital. While none have appeared to have reached Moscow, the attacks have caused significant disruptions to commuter air traffic.

Ukrainian drones have forced at least 218 temporary airport closures across Russia since Jan. 1, independent Russian outlet Novaya Gazeta Europe reported on May 14, citing data from Russia’s state aviation agency Rosaviatsia.

During his visit to Kursk, Putin met with Acting Governor Alexander Khinshtein, heads of local municipalities, and members of volunteer organizations. He also visited the Kursk Nuclear Power Plant, the Kremlin’s press service said. The exact date of the visit was not revealed at the time of publication.

Ukraine launched a cross-border incursion into Kursk Oblast in August 2024, marking the first large-scale invasion of Russian territory by foreign forces since World War II. The operation aimed to disrupt a planned Russian offensive on the neighboring Sumy Oblast and draw Russian forces away from the embattled Donetsk Oblast.

The Kyiv Independent cannot independently verify the Moscow Times' reporting or claims made about the alleged attack.

Ukraine war latest: Ukraine attacks elite Russian unit base nearly 7,000km away in Vladivostok, source claims

Key developments on May 28: * Ukraine attacks elite Russian unit base nearly 7,000km away in Vladivostok, source claims * Ukraine ready for 2nd round of Istanbul talks but seeks Russian draft memo in advance, Yermak says * Senate to ‘start moving’ Russia sanctions bill next week, Graham says * Russia may ‘consider’

The Kyiv IndependentThe Kyiv Independent news desk

U.S. President Donald Trump said on May 30 that he was “very surprised” at Russian attacks on Ukrainian cities amid ongoing peace negotiations with Kyiv.

“I was very surprised at at rockets being shot into cities like Kyiv during a negotiation that was maybe very close to ending,” Trump said during a news conference in the Oval Office.

“All of a sudden rockets got shot into a couple of cities and people died. I saw thing I was surprised at and I don’t like being surprised, so I’m very disappointed in that way,” Trump added.

For three consecutive days over May 24-26, Russia launched a series of mass drone and missile attacks at Ukrainian cities, during which more than 600 drones and dozens of missiles were launched in one of the heaviest attacks of the war to date.

On May 26, Russia carried out the largest drone attack of the full-scale war, which reportedly involved 355 Shahed-type attack drones and decoys.

Trump said he disapproved of Russia’s recent missile attacks on Ukrainian cities during ongoing diplomatic efforts.

“I don’t know what the hell happened to (Russian President Vladimir) Putin, I’ve known him for a long time,” Trump said on May 25 amid the onslaught of attacks. “He’s killing a lot of people."

Despite the barrage of attacks and Russia’s ongoing rejection of a 30-day ceasefire, Trump on May 28 said that “it’ll take about two weeks, or week and a half,” to determine if Putin serious about ending war.

A day earlier on May 27, Trump admitted that Russia would already be facing serious consequences, including sanctions, if not for his actions.

“What Vladimir Putin doesn’t realize is that if it weren’t for me, lots of really bad things would have already happened to Russia, and I mean really bad. He’s playing with fire,” he wrote on Truth Social.

Despite repeatedly threatening additional sanctions against Moscow, Trump has thus far refused to implement a proposed sanctions package.

“If I think I’m close to getting a deal, I don’t want to screw it up by doing that,” Trump told reporters on May 28.

Despite the delays, key Trump ally and Republican Senator, Lindsey Graham, said at a press briefing in Kyiv on May 30 that the U.S. Senate is expected to “start moving” next week on a bill introducing sweeping new sanctions against Russia

White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt said on May 29 that Trump hopes that the forthcoming peace negotiations between Ukraine and Russia will “move the ball forward” on his efforts to broker a peace deal.

Senate to ‘start moving’ Russia sanctions bill next week, Graham says

The proposed bill would introduce expansive penalties on Russia and impose 500% tariffs on imports from countries purchasing Russian fossil fuels.

The Kyiv IndependentTim Zadorozhnyy

President Volodymyr Zelensky spoke by phone with Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan on May 30 to discuss the next round of peace talks between Ukraine and Russia, tentatively scheduled for June 2 in Istanbul.

“We both agree that such a meeting cannot and should not be empty,” Zelensky said on social media following the call. “There must be a ceasefire to move further toward peace. The killings must stop."

The phone call comes just days ahead of the proposed meeting, the second such round of direct talks between Kyiv and Moscow since 2022. The first session, held in Istanbul on May 16, ended without an agreement on a ceasefire but led to the largest prisoner exchange of the war.

“The exchange of prisoners was an important achievement of that meeting, but unfortunately, it was the only one,” Zelensky said, referring to the first round of talks.

During the call the leaders also discussed the possibility of four-way peace talks that include Ukraine, Russia, Turkey, and the United States.

Earlier in the day on May 30, Zelensky expressed skepticism that the next round of talks will produce any results due to what he described as Moscow’s deliberate inaction.

Zelensky’s Chief of Staff Andriy Yermak said on May 29 that Kyiv is open to the talks but insists that Russia share their ceasefire memorandum ahead of the meeting.

“For the meeting to be meaningful, it is necessary to understand its agenda and prepare properly for the negotiations. Unfortunately, Russia is doing everything it can to ensure that the next possible meeting is fruitless,” Zelensky said earlier in the day.

Defense Minister Rustem Umerov said on May 28 that Ukraine has already shared its own memorandum, which includes a full ceasefire on land, in the air, and at sea, to be monitored by international partners, according to the New York Times.

Russia’s U.N. Ambassador Vasily Nebenzya on May 30 reiterated that Moscow would only consider a ceasefire if Ukraine halts mobilization and stops receiving foreign military aid.

Despite the standoff, in a separate readout of the call, the Turkish Presidential office called on talks to resume “without any further delay."

“Stating that discussing the potential ceasefire in the second round of the talks planned to be held in Istanbul will pave the way for peace,” the statement from Erdogan’s office read.

Reuters reported that President Vladimir Putin’s broader demands include a written pledge from NATO to stop expanding, the lifting of certain sanctions, and recognition of Ukraine’s neutral status.

Zelensky doubts June 2 talks will yield results as Russia withholds ceasefire plan

“The Russians have been unable to present the so-called ‘memorandum’ for over a week, which they promised to prepare immediately after the 1,000-for-1,000 exchange,” Zelensky wrote on Telegram. “Ukraine has not received any documents from them.”

The Kyiv IndependentTim Zadorozhnyy

U.S. President Donald Trump has decided to appoint the next Supreme Allied Commander Europe (SACEUR), reaffirming a key American role in NATO’s military structure, Reuters reported on May 30, citing unnamed officials.

The decision marks a reversal of earlier speculation that the Trump administration was considering relinquishing the U.S. military position, traditionally held by an American four-star general for nearly 75 years.

According to Reuters, Trump personally informed NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte of the decision, with an official announcement expected in the coming days.

The leading candidate is reportedly U.S. Air Force Lieutenant General Alexus Grynkewich, who currently serves as Director for Operations of the Joint Staff.

The position, currently held by Army General Christopher Cavoli since July 2022, oversees all NATO operations in Europe and is considered one of the alliance’s most critical posts. The U.S. has filled the role since its creation after World War II.

The move is likely to offer short-term reassurance to NATO allies wary of a potential American drawdown. Trump’s “America First” doctrine has repeatedly cast doubt on the U.S. commitment to multilateral alliances, especially NATO.

In recent years, he has questioned whether Washington should defend alliance members that do not meet military spending benchmarks. The comment sparked alarm across Europe, where several countries, including Italy, Canada, and Spain, still fall short of the 2% of GDP goal.

Some NATO members are now reportedly considering raising the threshold to 3% of GDP by 2030.

The decision to name a new SACEUR suggests the U.S. will remain engaged in the alliance’s military command structure for now, even as Trump continues to push for a rebalancing of defense responsibilities among NATO members.

The Hungary-Ukraine spy scandal and Russia’s possible role, explained

Ukraine’s rocky relationship with Hungary reached new lows this month with the uncovering of an alleged spy ring run from Budapest. Arrests, tit-for-tat expulsions, and a stream of accusations from Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban soon followed in a diplomatic scandal with potentially massive ramifications for both countries. “This is

The Kyiv IndependentYuliia Taradiuk