Protests

August 8, 2025 3:11pm

Reading Time: 7 minutes

Ben Borges

After Ukraine’s Parliament adopted bill #12414 limiting the independence of anti-graft bodies, NABU and SAPO, people across Ukraine went out to protests. On the same day, Volodymyr Zelenskyy signed the bill, despite many asking to veto it. These events became a major topic of discussion for pro-Kremlin media and other online sources from June 22 to June 33. 

Ukraine’s main intelligence agency (HUR) warned that Russia might use its resources and disinformation networks to “increase the level of protests, deepen polarization and chaotization of Ukrainian society and, as a consequence, make (the state — ed.) lose its resilience during an existential war.” 

Manipulative messages went through pro-government media, anonymous Telegram channels, and Kremlin-linked propagandists, aimed at corrupting the meaning of democratic processes in Ukraine and promoting Russia’s geopolitical goals. 

Gwara Media’s fact-checking department researched how exactly anti-corruption protests in Ukraine became a target for a Russian information attack and which disinformation narratives were promoted in the campaign. 

Channels used to spread the disinfo 

Traditionally, the Kremlin propaganda network reacts quickly to internal events in Ukraine that can be interpreted as signs of instability, societal dissent, or disappointment. Protests starting on July 22, 2025, in Ukraine became an occasion like that. A few hours following the first protests in Kyiv and Lviv, pro-Russian press, Telegram channels, and bot farms launched a wave of manipulative messages. 

Main platforms to spread these messages were: 

• Anonymous Telegram channels such as “Legitimate,” “Residents,” “ZeRada,” and so on. They were posting messages like “Protests are a consequence of Zelenskyy behaving like a dictator” or “Law #12414 is a step toward democracy. People have rebelled, and the army may pick their side.” 

• English-language media and bloggers spread pro-Russian narratives. The Gateway Pundit, Redacted, InfoBrics, and The Grayzone’s articles said “Ukraine became an authoritarian state where dissidents are repressed,” linking to the comments of Marjorie Taylor Greene.

• X accounts in social media, Russian Market, AmericaPapaBear, and UkraineTruthDaily, along with pro-Kremlin YouTube and TikTok accounts published protest videos taken out of context with hashtags #ZelenskyDictator, #UkraineProtests, #WeWantPeace. These hashtags were then used to create an appearance of the “anti-war” movement in Ukraine — Russian troll farms often use this narrative to prop up the image of “war fatigue” in the country. 

All of those resources began to construct a twisted information landscape, in which Ukrainians supposedly “rebelled against Zelenskyy’s dictatorship.” The real meaning of the protest — the protection of the anti-corruption system and its independence — was ignored or distorted. 

False narratives about protests 

Narrative #1. “Ukraine rebelled against Zelenskyy, not for reforms.” 

Messages like these aimed to convince people that the protests were directed specifically against Zelenskyy, not the bill — and then the law — that he and the Parliament have supported. It was done to spread distrust to the authorities’ legitimacy and destroy their support. 

In particular, pro-Russian Telegram channels called “Resident,” “Legitimacy,” “Truha LIve” used the phrases like “Zelenskyy’s fear,” “People have taken to the street against the dictator,” “New maidan,” and so on. 

Narrative #2: “The West is keeping silent about protests in Ukraine.” 

These were messages about European and American media supposedly “keeping silent” about the protests because covering them “isn’t beneficial.” Posts with messages like “BBC is silent,” “CNN won't show that” spread on X. Authors also said that NATO “forbade” Western media to broadcast the protests in Ukraine. 

As such, in Russian Market’s X post that gained up to 250,000 views, there’s a message that NATO issued a “ban” on the most prominent western media to show anti-corruption protests in Ukraine. That statement was debunked by NATO’s spokesperson in a comment to AAP FactCheck. 

Apart from that, in the post, the Ukrainian protests are compared with the Tiananmen Square protests in China. Back then, student protests of 1989 grew into anti-government protests and then a massacre by the People's Liberation Army. 

Western media, particularly the BBC and CNN, mentioned in a post, weren’t actually silent about the protests. They informed people about the situation in Ukraine right up until July 31, when Ukraine’s parliament adopted and President Zelenskyy signed into law that restores independence of anti-corruption agencies.

Ukrainian media mostly didn’t adopt manipulative narratives which didn’t allow for the disinformation to spread into the mainstream.  

Andrii Yanitskyi, journalist and the head of “ProMedia” NGO, said to Detector Media about the role of media covering the protests: 

“It’s a challenging task, because it’s necessary to be a facilitator of democracy and realize that the country is at war, which is why hype and speculations can have negative consequences. I don’t agree that the media have to avoid certain topics or self-censor, no. But the way they convey information matters, so it’s necessary to be socially responsible. I think quality content producers (for instance, media that the IMI whitelisted) are experienced enough to hold this balance.” 

Narrative #3. “Protesters demand peace with Russia.” 

Posts about participants of the protests “taking to the streets” not against corruption, but to demand to “stop war” and make a peace deal were shared by pro-Russian channels to legalize the thesis, “Ukrainians are tired of war.” This message was propped by Marjorie Taylor Greene, who published the following post on July 23:

“Huge protests erupt in Kyiv against Ukrainian President Zelensky as he is a dictator and refuses to make a peace deal and end the war. Good for the Ukrainian people! Throw him out of office! And America must STOP funding and sending weapons!!!” 

This message from Congresswoman echoes the pro-Russian statements. In the past, foreign media and analysts (Newsweek, Guardian, Washington Post) described her as “Russian state media’s sweetheart” because she is regularly quoted in Russian spaces online. 

Green multiple times called (archive) for a stop of American aid to Ukraine. She also promoted the narrative that Ukraine provoked a Russian invasion, “making alliance with the West.” In 2024, Green proposed a series of amendments to the bill for aid to Ukraine, in which she demanded to not allow the money to be spent until “free and fair elections” will be held in Ukraine. 

Narrative #4. “Ukraine is a dictatorship.” 

During July 24-28, content tagged with #ZelenskyDictator was actively shared on social media. Accounts on X and TikTok published the same messages in English, targeting audiences in the UK and the US. 

These accounts spread information on Zelenskyy, who was supposedly “cracking down on dissent, opposition, and citizens’ protests.” Equating Ukraine with an authoritarian regime, they aimed to distort the trust of Ukraine’s allies. 

Gwara Media’s fact-checkers, for instance, debunked a fake that an activist who brought a dog to the protest has been charged with animal cruelty. The “news” said that the case was supposedly opened because of an activist's sign that called Zelenskyy a dog.

The Institute for the Study of War (ISW) said that Kremlin officials, propagandists, and mouthpieces have weaponized these protests to advance existing Russian narratives designed to portray the Ukrainian government as corrupt and illegitimate to discourage Western support for Ukraine.

“The ongoing Ukrainian protests are notably not anti-war demonstrations, but Russian commentators are trying to paint them as protests against Zelensky and Ukraine's war effort to accomplish informational effects that will generate benefits for Russian forces on the battlefield,” the ISW said. 

The messages spread by pro-Russian sources about the “complete failure of anti-corruption politics” and “dictatorial leadership” aimed to strengthen polarization and weaken the trust in reforms needed for Ukraine’s accession to the EU. If anything, the EU’s representatives echoed the protesters, saying that reforms and independence of anti-corruption institutions are necessary. 

So, the Kremlin tried to masquerade internal societal processes in Ukraine with a twisted picture of chaos to dissolve international support for Ukraine. Head of the Foreign Intelligence Service of Ukraine, Oleh Ivashchenko, says that Russia used and will use any occasion to destroy unity and discredit Ukraine, especially on the international stage. 

“I communicate almost daily with the heads of partner special services on joint counteracting Russia’s aggression. Colleagues point to the importance of maintaining the phenomenal level of consolidation of Ukrainian society, which we have shown during these years of war.” 

Author: Olga Yakovleva 

Cover credit: Protest against bill #12414 in Kharkiv on July 30 with a sign "I am ashamed of your decisions" / Liubov Yemets, Gwara Media

The project is co-financed by the governments of Czechia, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia through Visegrad Grants from the International Visegrad Fund. The mission of the fund is to advance ideas for sustainable regional cooperation in Central Europe.

The project is supported by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Korea.

The post How Russian propaganda used anti-corruption protests in Ukraine to spread disinformation  appeared first on Gwara Media.

July 31, 2025 2:17pm

Reading Time: 2 minutes

Ben Borges

In a significant move, Ukraine's Verkhovna Rada has passed a presidential bill, No. 13533, aimed at restoring the independence of the National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine (NABU) and the Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor's Office (SAP). The legislation was supported by 331 members of parliament.

The new law ensures the procedural independence of SAP's leadership from the General Prosecutor’s Office, clarifies the powers, and sets the reporting line of NABU's detectives. Specifically, detectives are mandated to follow directions exclusively from SAP prosecutors, while their operational and technical activities occur upon the directives of NABU detectives or SAP prosecutors.

According to the new provisions, the SAP prosecutor, rather than the general prosecutor, is authorized to delegate criminal investigations to NABU detectives. The law also reinstates a provision allowing the NABU director, in coordination with SAP, to assign detectives to investigate cases previously under the jurisdiction of other bodies without requiring the general prosecutor's approval.

The legislation is a direct response to previous changes on July 22, when the Rada approved bill No. 12414, broadening the general prosecutor’s powers. The earlier law allowed the general prosecutor to oversee SAP, direct NABU, and reassign cases to other bodies—a move promptly signed by President Volodymyr Zelensky.

On July 23, amid widespread protests and concerns from international partners, President Zelensky committed to introducing a new bill ensuring "the strength of the law enforcement system and the absence of Russian interference in law enforcement activities."

On July 24, European Union officials conveyed through diplomatic channels to Ukraine's new Prime Minister Yulia Svyrydenko's government that they would suspend all financial aid to Kyiv until the independence of these bodies is restored.

Massive protests continued daily across Kyiv and other cities starting on July 22. On the first day, over 5,800 people gathered near the Ivan Franko Theater, followed by more than 9,500 participants on the second day and over 4,100 on the third. The protests continued throughout the month.

Another demonstration in support of NABU and SAP's independence took place on July 31 in Mariinsky Park near the parliamentary building.

July 30, 2025 10:29pm

Ben Borges

Protestors once again gathered across Ukraine on the eve of a parliamentary vote to reinstate the independence of anti-corruption agencies, which lawmakers curtailed just a week earlier.

The new bill was proposed by President Volodymyr Zelensky after the legislation last week triggered the first protests since the start of Russia&

July 30, 2025 10:35am

Reading Time: 9 minutes

Ben Borges

The decision of the Ukrainian parliament - and then President Volodymyr Zelenskyy - to de-facto destroy the independence of anti-corruption infrastructure in Ukraine drew outrage from people and deeply concerned the EU. Zelenskyy and MPs have already registered bills to restore the independence of NABU and SAPO, but the damage to relationships with EU and eurointegration was already done. 

On July 22, people in many cities of Ukraine organized demonstrations demanding that Zelenskyy veto bill #12414. 

The bill subordinated independent anti-corruption institutions, the National Anti-Corruption Bureau (NABU) and the Special Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office (SAPO) to the Prosecutor General. 

These watchdogs were created to investigate and bring to court high-profile corruption cases, in particular involving officials. The bill, in turn, compromised their independence — the Prosecutor General in Ukraine is appointed by the President. 

EU’s first reaction 

The creation of NABU in 2014 was one of the demands by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) for financial support of reforms in Ukraine.

“The independence of Ukraine's anti-corruption institutions is a cornerstone to the implementation of the 'Fundamentals' Cluster of the EU accession. It was also part of the 7 Candidate Status reforms, was a part of the EU Visa Liberalization Action Plan, and the EU macrofinancial aid since 2014. It’s a red thread running through Europe’s support for Ukraine for already a decade,” said Olena Halushka, head and co-founder of International Center for Ukrainian Victory (ICUV), to Gwara Media. 

Spokesperson for the European Commission Guillaume Mercier called these institutions “key” for reforms in Ukraine and said that only if they are independent can they efficiently fight corruption and keep the trust of society. 

On the evening of July 22, Zelenskyy did destroy NABU and SAPO’s independence by refusing to veto the bill and signing it. In his evening speech, he said that anti-corruption bodies will keep working but they’ll be “cleansed” of Russian influence. 

MP Anastasia Radina (“Servant of the People”), head of Parliament’s anti-corruption committee, said that it’s hard for herto understand how “specifically provisions of this bill counteract alleged Russian agents” in conversation with Kyiv Independent.  

Earlier, three (out of about 700) detectives of NABU were charged with treason and collaboration with Russia. 

Kateryna Musiienko, eurointegration and international relations expert from the ANTS, told Gwara, that for the EU, this move of Kyiv’s was shocking, personally and politically. 

“They just didn’t expect that with all the obligations Ukraine signed up for, we’ll be able to just roll back everything in mere 24 hours,” Musiienko said. 

Olena Halushka can hardly imagine any progress on the EU integration track while "such important reforms are backslided." 

“Unfortunately, moves like this give a strong argument for Ukraine sceptics to campaign against Ukraine's EU path,” Halushka said. 

Material consequences

On the protests against the law that spread from Lviv to Kharkiv, people said that they’ve lost their patience. That was the thing that, in Olena Halushka’s opinion, pushed the EU to action. 

“The EU saw the protests, saw that Ukrainian society isn't happy with the current situation, that people said “enough,” “no more.” Then, the European Union and Ukraine’s partners also joined in with the criticism of that decision,” Halushka said. 

After Zelenskyy signed bill #12414 (that become, after coming into effect, law #4555), EU Commission reduced the tranche for Ukraine Facility. 

Ukraine Facility is the project that started in February 2024, with €50 billion that the EU planned to send to Ukraine over four years. The money was for stabilizing the country’s economy during Russia’s war. 

“This tool was created to support Ukraine’s state budget, as a recovery fund,” says Musiienko, “Plus, (there were plans that) after the war, it’ll work as a channel through which other financing will be transferred.” 

On July 25, Guillaume Mercier announced that, in the fourth tranche of financial aid under the Ukraine Facility, the EU will allocate €3.05 billion instead of planned €4.5 billion. 

Formally, Ukraine Facility’s financing isn’t connected to the independence of anti-corruption agencies. 

The reason for reduction in the fourth tranche was that Ukraine completed 13 out of 16 reforms it promised to complete. 

According to Mercier, three reforms have to do with decentralization, the bill about reform of the Asset Recovery and Management Agency (ARMA), and the selection of judges to the High Anti-Corruption Court. Mercier was quoted on that by European Pravda.  

Experts Gwara talked agreed that the cuts to the financial aid do connect to undermining the independence of NABU and SAPO, though. 

Musiienko says the removal of €1.5 billion as a way to contain the situation was shocking for Kyiv. 

“(EU said) if you don’t work on reform enough, we won’t pay you in proportion to the reforms you haven’t done,” she says. “And I think Kyiv never seriously thought of such a threat. They thought it wouldn't get to the cuts of financial aid.” 

The EU, Musiienko says, reacted unusually quickly. If Ukraine’s authorities don’t continue reforms and restore the independence of anti-corruption watchdogs, she predicts the Union can roll other things back, “from visa-free regime to economic agreements.” 

Expert concludes: Ukraine can still get money from the Ukraine Facility - if it completes the required reforms - but the damage to relations with the EU is already done. 

Is restoring trust possible? 

Will Ukraine be able to return the EU's trust? It depends on Ukraine's authorities — if they listen to people on the protests, experts, and European partners. 

Up until last week, the EU had a moratorium on criticism of Ukraine’s reform progress. 

According to Olena Halushko, European partners’ thinking went like this: don’t demand reforms out loud, instead focusing on security, defence against Russian aggression - both in public and private meetings. 

“Priority number one is to survive because if we lose the country, there’ll be nothing to reform,” Halushka says. “But internal reforms are about Ukraine’s resilience and capacity. Right now, in new electoral cycles in Europe, right-wing parties are gaining strength, parties that criticise Ukraine and the EU. In such circumstances, we need to look for internal resources for the middle- and long-term, and become less dependent on foreign aid.” 

Fighting against corruption, consequently, directly impacts Ukraine’s long-term defence capacity and its ability to protect itself in Russia’s war, Halushka believes. 

Elimination of independence of NABU and SAPO broke the EU’s trust in Ukraine on an individual level, too. 

Musiienko says that now it’ll be more difficult to vote for Ukrainian resolutions in the European Parliament. One of the reasons is that MEPs who never particularly got into the inner kitchen of Ukraine’s politics but supported the country resisting Russian aggression now know that Kyiv is capable of dubious decisions. 

Musiienko says that, currently, both the EU, experts, and people in Ukraine have to “pressure” Kyiv and “take the maximum out of the situation,” not stopping on the bill that’ll restore the independence of anti-corruption watchdogs. 

“Right now, the EU shows us, rather lightly, that €1.5 billion is only the beginning and, if there’s no progress, there’ll be further escalation,” she says. 

As of writing this article (July 29), Ukraine’s media have already begun to report on possible future actions from the EU. If MPs won’t restore the independence of NABU and SAPO or will try to “partially” restore it, writes European Pravda, citing EU officials, the EU will stop other financing streams. For instance, a stop might be put on loans from frozen Russian assets, funding from the EBRD, and the EIB. 

Before that, MPs from the opposition, e.g., Yaroslav Zhelezniak (“Holos” party) wrote that, apart from processes around NABU and SAPO, EU will closely follow the appointment of Bureou of Economic Security (BES) that should be approved by the government by the end of the July. According to him, Ursula von der Leyen, the President of the European Commission, specifically asked about that in a phone call with Zelenskyy. 

The candidate to head BES was selected by the independent commission, and the Bureau was created to investigate and prevent economic crimes. Without this appointment, Ukraine can lose up to $5 billion from the IMF.  

On the second day of protests, a group of MPs, mostly from the opposition parties, wrote up a bill that restores the independence of NABU and SAPO by removing everything that was changed with bill #12414. 

Later, Zelenskyy submitted his own bill. It was almost identical, but included regular polygraph checks of NABU and SAPO employees and forbids them from going abroad, except for business trips. Also, Zelenskyy’s bill doesn’t have provisions on experience requirements and competitive selection for SAPO’s prosecutors. 

The Center for Policy and Legal Reform recommends that the opposition’s bill “receives preference."   

The Verkhovna Rada’s session that will pass or will not pass these bills is scheduled on July 31. 

Zelenskyy signed the bill about ARMA reform right after the information about the Ukraine Facility financing was cutbecause of its spread. 

“The law about ARMA is signed — now, we should appoint the finalist of the competitive selection for the head of BES. It’s vital (for authorities) to also stop prosecuting activists and pressure independent media,” Halushka says. 

Musiienko points out two reasons for the EU's motivation to support Ukraine’s anti-corruption infrastructure. First of all, the EU has to report on its investments in Ukraine to its constituents. Second, Ukraine is connected to various defenceprojects, including a joint defence alliance.  

“That’s pragmatism, in some way, because they understand that they can’t prepare Europe for war without Ukraine. They bet not only on eurointegration, but on defence, too.” 

Mosiienko says that ANTS and other experts warned the EU about a possible backslide in reforms from Ukraine’s officials, but the EU didn't react. Now, it’ll be important for the Union to listen to specialists from Ukraine and react quicker, she says. That is especially crucial considering that the USA’s involvement in helping both Ukraine and the EU has become unpredictable. 

“In this world, when you (EU) have such a global role, you must have plan A and plan B, more coherent, predictable policies. Then, (we’ll see) how the EU will crystallise as a strong geopolitical actor under the pressures of various circumstances.”

The project is co-financed by the governments of Czechia, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia through Visegrad Grants from the International Visegrad Fund. The mission of the fund is to advance ideas for sustainable regional cooperation in Central Europe.

The project is supported by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Korea.

The post Ukraine has to restore independence of anti-corruption infrastructure and reform to return EU’s trust and financing, experts say  appeared first on Gwara Media.

July 28, 2025 8:42pm

Ben Borges

Amid the heavy strain of Russian attacks and anti-corruption protests, a festival organized by Georgians and Ukrainians brought much-needed respite and solidarity to Kyiv.

Over the weekend of July 25-27, thousands of people danced their way through the ICKPA (meaning “Spark” in Ukrainian) electronic music festival, which returned

July 28, 2025 11:34am

Ben Borges

Protests were held near the hotel housing the Russian fencers and outside the Sports Palace, the venue for the competition.

July 27, 2025 2:10pm

Ben Borges

Protests sweep Ukraine in response to the new controversial law, which carries grim implications for integration into the European Union as peace talks between Russian and Ukrainian delegations resume.

July 26, 2025 5:40pm

Ben Borges

Twelve years after then-journalist Mustafa Nayem's Facebook post ignited the EuroMaidan Revolution, another social media call — this time from war veteran Dmytro Koziatynskyi —  mobilized thousands across Ukraine, united by a different cause.

The first wave of protests erupted on the evening of July 22,

July 26, 2025 1:23pm

Ben Borges

U.S. Democratic Senator Richard Blumenthal co-authored a bipartisan bill that would impose 500% tariffs on countries buying Russian oil, gas, or uranium.

July 26, 2025 10:09am

Ben Borges

Editor's note: We offered members of the Kyiv Independent community to share their questions about a controversial bill that undermined Ukraine’s anti-corruption institutions and the street protests that followed it this week. Our staff's answers to their questions are below. Join our community and

July 25, 2025 7:04pm

Ben Borges

After massive nationwide protests and fierce international criticism, President Volodymyr Zelensky has proposed a new bill to restore the independence of Ukraine's anti-corruption authorities.

The new bill, submitted July 24, has yet to be passed but would reverse the decisions that sparked the nation’s biggest political

July 25, 2025 2:07pm

Reading Time: 10 minutes

Ben Borges

UKRAINE, KHARKIV — Russian missiles reach Kharkiv in less than two minutes. 

When asked about their reason to protest in the middle of the city in these circumstances — under martial law — Marko says, “what’s happening is absolutely unacceptable”. 

On July 22, during the evening, President of Ukraine Volodymyr Zelenskyy signed the Law #12414, despite hundreds of people asking him to veto it across the country-wide protests. 

The law, initially aimed to help the relatives of missing soldiers and prisoners of war, was haphazardly filled with new amendments less than a day before the Verkhovna Rada’s — Ukraine’s Parliament’s — session on July 22. 

It passed in the second hearing with multiple violations, according to the Agency for Legislative Initiatives (ALI).

The updated version includes clauses that deprive Ukraine’s anti-corruption watchdogs Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office (SAPO) and the National Anti-Corruption Bureau (NABU) of independence by giving unprecedented power to control them to the General Prosecutor of Ukraine, which is appointed by the President. It also violates the right to private life via allowing searches without court order. 

Zelenskyy signed it instead of vetoing on the same day. The next day, the Parliament went on “holiday” until August.

“(The law) directly affects our lives as Ukrainians in this country, and it will now significantly influence the support for Ukraine in the war. No normal, democratic, developed country will pour money or provide weapons for our fight against Russia if our anti-corruption institutions are destroyed,” Marko said.  

“We will keep coming out until bill #12414 is repealed.” 

Below is a brief context on what’s going on — interspersed with photos from protests in Kharkiv that Gwara Media covered. 

So, what do NABU and SAPO do?

The NABU was created as an independent agency to combat high-level corruption after the Euromaidan of 2013. It investigates cases involving former presidents, parliament members, judges, prosecutors, and National Bank executives, particularly those involving large sums of money.

The SAPO is an autonomous division within the Office of the Prosecutor General that coordinates with NABU. While NABU conducts pre-trial investigations, SAPO, as an independent part of the Prosecutor General’s Office, exercises prosecutorial oversight during these high-level anti-corruption investigations and represents the state prosecution in court.

NABU reports to the government, which approves the national anti-corruption strategy. NABU also has its own Civil Oversight Council to ensure transparency and public oversight. 

Both institutions were established with the support of Ukraine’s international partners. In particular, the creation of SAPO in 2015 was one of the conditions for Ukraine’s visa liberalization with the EU.

So, the key conditions for NABU and SAPO’s independence are the absence of political interference and exclusive jurisdiction. The Prosecutor General can’t interfere in NABU investigations, and no other law enforcement agency can investigate cases assigned by law to NABU. 

Could not, at least.

Why are people in Ukraine and EU officials are angry 

On the second day of the protests, when the law already came into effect, — over 400, and by other estimations, up to 1,000 people protested on the streets of Kharkiv. From 6 p.m. to 9 p.m., they marched through the city’s central streets. 

Most often, they shouted, “Why do I need a system that works against me?” and called for the new law — or, more accurately, amendments to it — to be repealed. 

Some shouted insults at the assistant to the president’s office, Andrii Yermak, often referred to as the shadow leader of Ukraine. Many shouted, “Shame,” “Cancel the law,” “Get your hands off NABU.” 

One of the slogans was, “Ukraine is not Russia.” Oleg, a soldier in the Kraken with a poster reading “Zelensky — Ceausescu,” said he came because the country is moving toward totalitarianism, which he and his fellow soldiers are currently fighting against. 

“I also believe that protests during wartime are inappropriate. But what else should we do?” said Oleg. 

According to MP Anastasiia Radina, a new edition of the law that used to simplify search for includes provisions that “turn SAPO into a decorative institution and make NABU and SAPO entirely dependent on the will of the Prosecutor General.” 

The Prosecutor General would have access to all high-profile corruption cases, instruct detectives on what to investigate and reassign cases, and allow them to close investigations of graft agencies. The Prosecutor General would also have sole authority to issue top officials the corruption charges. 

“In effect, anti-corruption activity in Ukraine will be destroyed. We’re returning to the system we had under Yanukovych, where all cases went through the Prosecutor General’s Office,” said lawyer Volodymyr Rysenko from the Kharkiv Anti-Corruption Center (KACC) to Gwara’s journalists on July 22 — before Zelenskyy signed the bill.

The lawyer said the law could halt Ukraine’s eurointegration and end international partners’ support and believed the EU should issue Ukraine “an ultimatum” for violating its commitments. 

Ukraine’s partners reacted to Zelenskyy signing the bill #14124. Ursula Von Der Leyen expressed her “concern” about the situation with Ukraine’s anti-corruption course and asked Zelenskyy to explain the changes that have been made. 

French Minister for European Affairs Benjamin Haddad called the Ukrainian authorities’ decision deeply disappointing and stated that the situation can still be corrected. 

Dutch Foreign Minister Caspar Veldkamp said the law’s adoption is a step backward that calls into question Ukraine’s commitment to the rule of law.

Sweden’s Ministry for Foreign Affairs noted that Ukraine has made significant progress in fighting corruption over the past decade, but the law is “troubling” and risks undermining those achievements. 

Olena Apchel, a soldier who supported protests against the new law, wrote in her opinion piece, “Passing the law with multiple violations of regulations, pressure on MPs, quick signing, and the absence of veto — it’s not just about demonstration of the right to authoritarianism and autocracy and slowing down eurointegration. It’s stupidly rude in circumstances when the most important laws about defence aren’t being signed for months. And, as a result, — the barrier of self-censorship and self-restraint fall off.” 

Doesn’t the law address NABU’s ties with Russia?

In his late video address, released in the night of July 23 — by then first protests, including the one in Kharkiv, were over and the curfew across Ukraine began — Zelenskyy said that the new law aims to protect the anti-corruption infrastructure from Russian influence and referred to leaks to the Russians from anti-corruption watchdogs, providing no proof of them. 

He noted that NABU and SAPO will continue to function, but expressed disconcern about NABU’s criminal proceedings taking too long and corrupt officials who have fled the country continue to go unpunished. 

Was there really Russian influence? On July 21, three NABU employees were detained and accused of high treason, collaboration with Russia, and corruption. For some of these cases, detectives say they didn’t see any evidence — but agreed to fully cooperate with the investigation.  

The SBU, along with the Prosecutor General’s Office and the State Bureau of Investigations (SBI), conducted about 70 searches of 15 employees from the NABU and SAPO. 

The searches, according to the NABU, were conducted without court-issued warrants — and three detectives sustained bodily injuries during them. Most of them, the agency said, weren’t related to the investigation of Russian ties, but to the cases of traffic accidents, one of which happened back in 2021. 

NABU also said SBU warned them about possible Russian ties of one of the detained in 2023, but then the SBU itself found no evidence of them. 

Volodymyr Rysenko suggested that the large-scale actions by the SBU and SBI may be connected to sensitive cases investigated by NABU and SAPO. 

On June 23, NABU issued a notice of suspicion to former Deputy Prime Minister Oleksii Chernyshov, a close associate of President Zelenskyy and Head of the President’s Office Andriy Yermak. According to the Anti-Corruption Action Center (ACAC), NABU and SAPO have gotten too close to the president’s inner circle, including through a case involving his business partner Tymur Mindich. 

All in all, experts say there’s nothing in the amendments that can help uncover or prevent Russian influence. Kateryna Butko, head of the anti-corruption watchdog AutoMaidan, said to the Kyiv Independent that it’ll “unlikely have an impact” on Russian agents. But it definitely destroys the independence — according to the ALI, not only of anti-corruption watchdogs, but also of any prosecutor in Ukraine. 

Apchel believes the protests are not primarily about defending NABU and SAPO as institutions but about defending the democratic course chosen by the people.

“Yes, there are many questions about the work of NABU and SAPO. That is why the issue is not about them. The issue is about the right to have institutions. Because we believe in institutions, because I believe in institutions, because they are made up of people and are based on values,” said Apchel.

What about Zelenskyy’s new bill from July 24? 

On July 23, a group of MPs drafted a new bill that restores the independence of NABU and SAPO. 

Zelenskyy met the heads of NABU, SAPO, and other law enforcement agencies on July 23 and promised that he’s also preparing a draft bill for Parliament, noting that “what people are saying on the streets” and online is not “falling on deaf ears.” 

“And there will be no Russian influence or interference in the activities of law enforcement,” Zelenskyy added.

He stressed that “the most important thing” is “not losing our national unity, ending the war, stopping this Russian evil, and securing a dignified peace for Ukraine.” 

In the evening of July 24, when the protests started in many cities for the third day in a row, Zelenskyy released the “promised” new bill. 

The third meeting gathered over 200 participants in Kharkiv. During the protest, Russia hit the outskirts of the city with a drone attack. 

According to the analysis by the Agency for Legaslative Initiatives, Zelenskyy’s law restores independence of anti-corruption graft agencies, removing “all limitations on the procedural independence of SAPO,” but “encroaches on the institutional autonomy” of NABU and SAPO. To combat “Russian influence,” Zelenskyy proposes polygraph checks, “conducted by the SSU or in accordance with SSU methodology” every two years. 

The grounds for urgent searches, conducted without a court order, have also been repealed. 

The ALI says the bill does nothing to address the fact it’s still possible “to appoint individuals to the prosecution service without a competitive selection process.”

Some MPs are saying the new bill will be put to the vote next week, but Gwara’s sources say the Parliament might deliberately delay the process. 

Daryna, one of the protesters, said at the end of the protest on July 24, “Most likely, this is a bill that will be passed. The only way it could be rewritten and modified is, once again, through amendments in the second and third hearings. Which is why it’s important to continue. We haven’t finished yet. (Zelenskyy’s bill) is not a reason to stop public pressure.” 

Dmytro Oliinyk, a veteran who came to the protests, had a poster: “I needed to survive to see this wonderful youth.” He said protests like this are exactly why he volunteered to fight against the Russian invasion — “for you to stand up for your rights.” 

Update: This text covers the first three days of protests against the law. On July 25, Zelenskyy met with journalists on the press conference and said “there should have been dialogue” between the Parliament and society before the law #12414 adoption and noted he “respects public opinion.” The Verkhovna Rada’s chairman said the session is scheduled for July 31. 

Gwara follows how the situation will develop — both in Parliament and on the streets in Kharkiv (but we’re a bit quicker on our Ukrainian version — only three of us cover news in English). Please, support our reporting by buying us a coffee or subscribing to our Patreon. 

Read more

• Second day in a row: Russian glide bomb attack injures 14 in Kharkiv, damages hospital (Photo)
• Russia shifts to massive waves of drone strikes, overwhelming Ukrainian air defense with numbers, decoy tactics
  

The post Zelenskyy signed law that guts anti-corruption agencies’ independence. 19 miles away from the Russian border, Kharkiv protests against it  appeared first on Gwara Media.

July 25, 2025 10:30am

Ben Borges

President Volodymyr Zelensky addressed criticism of the controversial new law that strips Ukraine’s anti-corruption agencies of independence, saying on July 24 that there should have been a dialogue between parliament and society before its adoption.

July 23, 2025 9:18pm

Ben Borges

On July 22 and 23, Ukrainians took to the streets in the country’s first mass anti-government protests since the outbreak of Russia's full-scale invasion three and a half years earlier.

Thousands of citizens rallied in cities across the country on the first night with a clear

July 23, 2025 3:39pm

Reading Time: 2 minutes

Ben Borges

You might not like this story.

Yesterday my colleague Tanya and I participated in a rally opposing Zelenskyy’s signature on a controversial piece of legislation.

The bill, passed by the legislature and signed by Zelenskyy last night, would roll back the independence of Ukraine’s anti-corruption agencies – a legacy of the Maidan Revolution and everything that has been fought for before and since.

To many around the world, Zelenskyy is a hero. And to be fair, his presidency has fallen during the most difficult times in Ukraine’s history.

But if anyone makes decisions that go against the interests of Ukrainians, common folks will take to the streets in protest — even against saints.

The law, which restricts the autonomy of anti-corruption government bodies that can prosecute top officials, is a major step backward for Ukrainians on their path toward European integration, a major priority for people in this country.

It’s a move that could also reduce foreign support which is critical to the fight against Russia.

That’s why thousands of Ukrainians took to the streets in Kyiv and other major cities, the largest wave of protests against the government since the full-scale invasion began.

This moment shows that the fight for freedom and democracy is not just a war against Russia. It’s resistance against anyone who threatens those values, even if it’s your own government.

Power belongs to the people, and the president and government are merely its executors.

Read more

July 22, 2025 9:01pm

Ben Borges

Demonstrators gathered in Kyiv, Lviv, Dnipro, and Odesa to oppose the legislation, which grants sweeping new powers to the prosecutor general over the National Anti-Corruption Bureau (NABU) and the Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office (SAPO).

July 17, 2025 3:03pm

Reading Time: 10 minutes

Ben Borges

Around the same time several Ukrainian families were learning their loved ones had been killed in a massive Russian aerial attack in late May, nearly a dozen American college students were gathered to watch a Kremlin propaganda film.

They weren't studying in Russia—they were actually in the U.S. capital of Washington, D.C.

Students from East Central University in Oklahoma were pictured smiling as they visited the American Russian Cultural Center, where they were shown the film ‘The Big Three – Leaders of the Second World War' by Kremlin-controlled state broadcaster Russia Today.

But not only is this Russian propaganda operation able to operate on U.S. soil freely – it even gets to do it tax free.

A State Department spokesperson told The Counteroffensive that the Russian Cultural Center in the American capital is an “annex of the Embassy of the Russian Federation,” which entitled it not only to stay open but to be exempted from real estate taxes.

Events like these are alarmingly common: While Vladimir Putin's army routinely kills Ukrainian civilians, Russia abuses its diplomatic status to operate its propaganda machine in democratic societies – and the United States is not the only example.

The Russian House in Berlin has repeatedly tried to discredit Ukraine. In October 2022, this Russian House showed the film 'Holocaust: Threads of Memory,' which portrayed Ukrainians as Nazis and was produced by the Russian state broadcaster Russia Today (RT) – which is otherwise blocked in Germany.

Such events are attended by children and teenagers, according to the Russian House in Berlin’s social media posts.

Rossotrudnichestvo, the Russian government agency which runs Russia Houses around the world, is under EU sanctions. But Germany is in no hurry to close this center down, as it would violate a joint agreement.

According to that deal, the Goethe-Institut, the German center of culture, operates in Moscow, and the Russian House in Berlin. In addition, the German federal government continues to pay property tax for the Russian cultural center: a total of about 70,000 euros.

"The agreement is binding on both contracting parties... There is no provision which would allow either party to unilaterally terminate the agreement," the German Foreign Ministry told The Counteroffensive.

The activities of the Russian House in Berlin have caused outrage among Ukrainian activists, who have held protests calling for the center’s closure.

Iryna Shulikina, a Ukrainian woman who has lived in Germany for over 10 years, has been running Vitsche, a Berlin-based NGO that amplifies Ukrainian voices, since 2022.

On June 25, she organized a demonstration against the Russian House in Berlin.

"While missiles rain down on Ukrainian cities, and torture and deportations persist, Germany is effectively subsidizing an instrument of Russian imperial policy," Shulikina told The Counteroffensive. “This is not a cultural center, but a propaganda platform that openly violates EU sanctions.”

In 2023, German Green Party politician Volker Beck filed a complaint against the Russian House for spreading Russian propaganda.

But investigations initially launched against the diplomats of the Russian House were suspended due to Russia’s diplomatic status, the Berlin Prosecutor General's Office told The Counteroffensive.

At the same time, the prosecutor's office said it is investigating other possible violations of the Russian House in Berlin.

"The Public Prosecutor’s Office continues to investigate unknown individuals as well as the tenants of the Russian House. The alleged offenses concern violations of the Foreign Trade and Payments Act," the Berlin Prosecutor General's Office said.

The scale of global Russia Houses:

These Russian centers currently operate in about 71 countries, according to Rossotrudnichestvo, the organization that runs them, including Washington, D.C, New Delhi, Beijing, Tokyo.

According to Rossotrudnichestvo, Russian Houses in North Macedonia, Croatia, and Montenegro have completely ceased operations, while in Romania and Slovenia, they have suspended operations indefinitely. The Russian House in Azerbaijan has also ceased its work, and the center in Moldova is preparing for closure.

Despite being sanctioned by the EU in 2022, Rossotrudnichestvo continues to operate many of its centers, hosting various events to push Kremlin narratives among young Western students.

The Russian House in Paris, for example, sent four of its French visitors aged 15-17 to a state camp in Russia in the wake of the full-scale invasion.

The hidden goal behind such programs is to cultivate a sense of positivity towards Russia. After returning home from these exchange programs, young students are likely to echo pro-Russian narratives, including justifications for the war against Ukraine.

In this way, Russian Houses work quietly to lend legitimacy to Russia's invasion, even as more and more Ukrainian civilians are indiscriminately killed every day.

The Counteroffensive took a deep dive into Russian Houses’ propaganda activities and identified their directors, revealing that they are trained personnel acting as part of the Kremlin's general apparatus.

The Rossotrudnichestvo is a federal executive agency subordinate to the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The head of Rossotrudnichestvo is Yevgeny Primakov Jr., the grandson of Russia’s Kyiv-born former Foreign Minister Yevgeny Primakov.

Primakov Sr. served as Director of Foreign Intelligence for half a decade in the 1990s. Like his grandfather, Primakov Jr. has shown strong loyalty to the Russian leader, acting as a campaign surrogate for Putin in 2018.

The purpose of the Russian Houses, according to Rossotrudnichestvo, is to "strengthen Russia's humanitarian influence in the world." In reality, these centers are a display of soft power, a strategy of influence through cultural, ideological and informational appeal rather than direct coercion.

Primakov said as much late last year:

"It is our honor to deliver information [abroad] about the special military operation [what Russia calls the invasion of Ukraine in 2022], its goals, objectives, what we want to achieve in Ukraine."

Despite the sanctions, Russian Houses in the EU have managed to stay open because in some countries, the center is part of a diplomatic mission, and in others, the center is operating under a joint agreement. The activities of the Goethe-Institut in Moscow and the Russian House in Berlin are classic examples of such agreement.

The Kremlin sinks its teeth into youth under the guise of cultural exchange

Russian Houses specifically target youth, though they also aim to reach other age groups.

The Russian House in Paris offers children courses in the Russian language, fine arts, gymnastics, and singing, which at first glance seems innocuous. But the list of songs rehearsed by the students’ choir includes, for example, ‘The Last Fight:’

This song glorifies the act of dying in war for Russia and was written by Russian poet Mikhail Nozhkin, who supported Putin's invasion and called the Ukrainian military "fascists":

One last time, tomorrow, we'll face hand-to-hand combat.

One last time, we'll get to serve Russia.

And it's not scary at all to die for her,

Though deep down, everyone still hopes to live through it!

"Such events, in particular, legitimize Russian aggression against Ukraine and hostility towards Western countries, emphasizing Russia's exceptionalism, which allows it to violate international norms," said Dmytro Zolotukhin, founder of the Institute of Post-Information Society, a Ukrainian NGO, engaged in sanctions policy against Russia.

A striking example of Russia’s soft power program is the ‘People of Artek’ program organized by the Russian House of Science and Culture in Paris.

This free, three-week trip to the Artek children’s camp in occupied Crimea was offered in 2024 to children aged 12-17.

Although references to this program have been removed from the pages of the Russian House in Paris, The Counteroffensive found archived versions of the announcement. Among the selected participants were 18 children from Australia, Germany, Turkey, and France.

The itinerary of this trip included a thematic ‘Day of Russia,’ a concert by Denis Maidanov, First Deputy Chairman of the State Duma Committee on Culture. Teenagers also participated in the ‘Multinational Palette of Russia’ event, which promoted the ideas of ‘friendship between peoples.’

While ostensibly offering kids a fun vacation, the program effectively links them to Russia and spreads narratives favorable to the Kremlin.

"We are especially grateful that at Artek we were able to be part of a policy of peace and mutual understanding… Schools in Germany will hear about this," said one of the girls after visiting Artek in the summer of 2024, ten years after the invasion of Ukraine began.

"We are united by the Russian language, love for Russia, maybe even the Russian soul," said another visitor from France about his expectations for the camp.

These responses suggest that Russian propaganda is having the desired effect. The peninsula they visited was forcefully seized from Ukraine by Russian troops.

The students from East Central University in Oklahoma who visited the Russian Cultural Center in Washington, D.C. this past spring were shown a film which makes a series of dubious claims about Soviet dictator Josef Stalin and Western leaders of the time.

Young people are also susceptible to influence through social media, where the same Russian Cultural Center in the United States publishes Russia Today videos justifying the occupation of Crimea and praising the 'defenders of the Donbas,' the Kremlin’s preferred term for Russian soldiers who kill Ukrainians.

"Such information processing can help destabilize the political situation inside the host countries where Russian Houses operate," Zolotukhin told The Counteroffensive.

Thus, under the guise of 'culture,' the Kremlin is able to use soft power to advance its strategic interests and influence members of the younger generation – and at the expense of you, the taxpayer.

NEWS OF THE DAY:

By: Sofia Konoplytska

Good morning to readers; Kyiv remains in Ukrainian hands.

GERMANY UNAWARE OF PATRIOT SHIPMENTS: Germany’s Defense Ministry denied that the shipment of Patriot systems to Ukraine has already begun, despite earlier claims by Trump. However, the delivery is expected to be addressed at the upcoming Ukraine Defense Contact Group meeting next week.

According to NATO’s Alexus Grynkewich, they are coordinating closely with Germany and have an order to act “as quickly as possible”.

UKRIANE CABINET RESHUFFLE: Ukraine’s Parliament has officially dismissed Prime Minister Denys Shmyhal and his cabinet as part of an ongoing major government reshuffle. He is the longest-serving PM in the history of Ukraine, and will now take up the role of the new Defense Minister.

Yulia Svyrdylenko, who previously helped negotiate the mineral deal with the U.S., took his position. She formally served as the Minister of Economy and the First Deputy Prime Minister. Approval of other cabinet members by the parliament is anticipated now. This reshuffle is following the shifting dynamics in Ukraine’s relationship with the U.S.

UK, GERMANY TO SIGN A MAJOR SECURITY DEAL: Germany and the UK are expected to sign the most significant bilateral treaty since 1945 today.

The agreement will focus on “security and defense, trade and business”, according to German Chancellor Merz — amid the growing threat from Russia. The deal includes a mutual assistance clause, meaning that an attack on one would be seen as an attack on both – and also aspirational projects like collaboration on AI and a future rail link between the UK and Germany.

This is a part of the UK's Prime Minister Starmer’s effort to restore Britain’s influence in Europe after Brexit.

DOG OF WAR:

During her vacation, Mariana met this adorable dog with a Barbie tail. The owner was struggling to keep it from playing in the mud.

Stay safe out there.

Best,
Liza

July 8, 2025 2:27pm

Reading Time: 7 minutes

Ben Borges

Before her harrowing footage of life in Mariupol under siege from Russian invaders was viewed around the world in 2022, Yuliia Paievksa — call sign “Taira” — was already well known to Ukrainians for leading a volunteer medical unit in Donbas.

Now, the volunteer, soldier, athlete, global activist, and former POW is being lauded once again – as a poet whose debut collection, Nazhyvo (Live), has captured audiences in Ukraine with its fervent writing, inspired by some of the war’s most brutal episodes.

Paievska’s collection is described by Meridian Czernowitz, the literary corporation that published her book earlier this year, as, “This is not just poetry. This is Mariupol in flames. This is captivity and torture. This is life on the edge and love despite everything. These texts didn’t ask for permission to exist. They are about survival against all odds."

Ukraine has seen a wave of new poetry since the start of the full-scale invasion, and, like Paievska, many of Ukraine’s modern poets are also soldiers who use the medium to grapple with the reality of Europe’s largest land war since 1945. Not all have survived, and some of Ukraine’s newest poetry works have been published posthumously.

Paievska began her activist work in 2013 as a volunteer street medic during the months of Euromaidan Protests, when riot police violently attacked pro-European protesters and ultimately killed more than 100 people.

When Russia invaded eastern Ukraine in 2014, Paievska began volunteering as a medic on the frontlines in Donbas, founding the famed all-female volunteer medical corps "Taira's Angels." She spent four years there, during which Taira's Angels saved hundreds of lives, before she joined the Ukrainian Armed Forces.

From 2018 to 2020, Paievska headed a mobile hospital in Mariupol, before continuing her volunteer work.

When Russia began its siege of Mariupol, Paievska and her team frantically worked day and night while under attack to evacuate and save patients on the brink of death. She recorded her efforts on a bodycam, which she got to AP reporters a day before she was captured by Russian forces. The footage shook the world as a rare and stark record of the atrocities committed by Russia in Mariupol.

Paievska spent three months in Russian captivity, during which she was relentlessly beaten, tortured, and forced to appear in propaganda videos.

Since her release, she has continued serving her country in various roles, including as an advocate for prisoners of war, and today as an officer in the ‘Khartia’ brigade of the National Guard.

The Kyiv Independent caught up with Paievska on the sidelines of the Meridian Zaporizhzhia literary festival on June 29 to discuss how writing poetry has changed her outlook, and how the war is shaping Ukraine's modern-day writers.

Editor's note: This interview has been edited for length and clarity.

The Kyiv Independent: What did you learn about yourself or the war, through writing about your experiences?

Paievska: After captivity, after torture, poetry became one of the best therapies. If it weren't for poetry, I'm not sure at all that I would have 100% recovered. But this splash of new personal growth is thanks to poetry.

Poetry requires discipline, thinking. It's a very complicated process. You can't feel sorry for yourself and write poems. You have to concentrate, to enter a certain state. There's a special rhythm, similar to meditation. It is a kind of meditation.

The Kyiv Independent: What is unique in the experience of medics, compared with other roles in war? What attracted you to this kind of volunteering?

Paievska: I love helping people more than trying to kill them. That's my personal reason.

Doctors in war see everything. Things infantrymen don't see, things FPV pilots don't see. The doctor sees all this dirty work of the war. And doctors are usually very psychologically traumatized. Apart from physically.

The Kyiv Independent: What role does poetry and culture have during war?

Paievska: What else is this all for? If we don't have culture, what difference does it make? Culture is the soul of the nation. If there is no culture, then there is no nation.

If you take any country, during war there is always a surge of poetry, or literature, or painting.

There are a lot of girls and boys, both very young and not so young, at the front now. They write poems, good poems. Some are already poets, while some are forged into poets during hostilities, each time the heart confronts (the fact) that they may not survive.

And, unfortunately, we already have many dead poets.

The Kyiv Independent: Are there certain unique qualities in this new wave of writers, compared with other times?

Paievska: It is well known that war is the impetus for innovation. In science, culture, law-making.

Any war promotes new narratives, because war changes society a lot. Society is disintegrating, or vice versa. These things are related.

I can say that patriotic values, freedoms, and universal human values have come to the fore (in Ukraine).

The Kyiv Independent: In terms of narratives, the spread of Russian propaganda has also played a huge role in the war. Does literature play a role in fighting it?

Paievska: If the enemy uses missiles, we must also use missiles, or better missiles.

If the enemy uses literature, we must give stronger and better versions to block this propaganda.

The Kyiv Independent: You wrote poetry in the past, before the war, but only privately. This new collection is the first time you're writing for the public. Why did you decide that you were now ready to publish your pieces?

Yuliia Paievska: First off, (famed Ukrainian author) Serhii Zhadan read my poems, and said that they should be published, that it was good poetry. I trust him. I sat down, wrote a certain amount, and published them.

Before that, my poems were also not bad, but in my mind, they were the type that everyone writes. I didn't think that there was anything too amazing.

As a perfectionist, I'm in the habit of thinking that if I share something, it should be something that has people thinking, "Wow," and not, "What is this?"

The Kyiv Independent: Can you speak a bit more about your writing process? Where are you when you write poetry, and how does it happen?

Paievska: To write, I have to know that I have some free time and won't have to run off anywhere. Usually, if I realize that I have thirty minutes or an hour, something starts forming in my head.

I just write it down, practically without editing, and then leave it. And somewhere after a day I'll revisit it, to see whether I like it or not.

I sometimes change something, a word, but in general, I write down completed poems straight away.

The Kyiv Independent: Many people came to today's literary festival specifically to hear you read. Has the positive reception to your new book surprised you at all?

Paievska: People understand how sincere the work is. And it brings them back. All Ukrainians are more or less psychologically traumatized because of shelling, because of losing relatives, because of injustice, because of Russia's unprovoked attack.

My poems on their condition resonate well. I say what they feel, I manage to put it in the form of poetry.

Note from the author:

Hi, I’m Andrea Januta, the author of this piece. Thank you for reading. As a writer living in Kyiv, I’m always trying to share stories not only about the country’s challenges, but also about the fabric of Ukrainian society that so many are fighting to preserve — from sports and religion, to bird watchers and literature. It’s meaningful but difficult work. If you’d like to support the Kyiv Independent’s ability to tell these stories from Ukraine, please consider supporting our work by becoming a member.

‘Not many events like this left’ — A Ukrainian literary festival in a city falsely claimed by Russia

When Russia illegally declared ownership in 2022 over all of Ukraine’s Zaporizhzhia Oblast – despite never fully capturing or controlling much of it — it only strengthened the case for holding a literary festival there, says Svyatoslav Pomerantsev, president of the international literary corporation Meridian Czernowitz. Hosting a cultural event in the

The Kyiv IndependentAndrea Januta

June 29, 2025 3:15am

Reading Time: 3 minutes

Ben Borges

Police aggressively dispersed protestors at an anti-government rally in Belgrade, whereover 100,000 demonstrators gathered on June 28 to demand snap elections.

The rally marks the latest mass action in a protest movement that started last fall, with activists calling for an end to corruption and the 12-year rule of Serbian President Aleksandar Vucic.

Crowds in Belgrade on June 28 chanted “We want elections!” — a key demand of the movement that Vucic has consistently refused. His term ends in 2027, which is also the date of the next scheduled parliamentary elections.

Police officers in riot gear used tear gas, pepper spray, and stun grenades to forcibly dispersed crowds, according to multiple media outlets. Dozens of protestors were detained, though the police did not provide an exat number.

Serbian Interior Minister Ivica Dacic claimed that demonstrators attacked the police.

Protestors reportedly threw eggs, plastic bottles, and other objects at riot officers blocking the crowd from entering a city park where Vucic supporters were staging a counterprotest. Vucic reportedly bused in groups of his own supporters from around the country ahead of the rally.

As protests engulf Serbia, President Vucic looks for support East and West

Editor’s Note: Following a number of attacks against peaceful protestors in Serbia, the Kyiv Independent agreed to not publish the last names of people who gave comments for this story. BELGRADE, Serbia — Thousands of protestors walked 300 kilometers on March 1 from Belgrade to the southern city of Nis to

The Kyiv IndependentCamilla Bell-Davies

Vucic, a right-wing populist leader with authoritarian tendencies and warm ties with Russia, has repeatedly accused foreign states of inciting the protests in order to topple his government. He is provided no evidence to support these claims.

The current wave of protests in Serbia began in November, when a train station roof in the town of Novi Sad collapsed, killing 15. The disaster was blamed on government corruption.

While Vucic has alleged that Western powers are trying to trigger a “Ukrainian-style revolution in Serbia,” the Serbian protests are not markedly pro-Ukrainian or pro-Russian. Unlike mass demonstrations in Slovakia, where activists explicitly condemned the government’s Kremlin-friendly agenda, the Serbian movement is focused on Vucic’s corrupt leadership.

Since Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, Serbia has attempted to navigate a delicate diplomatic path between Moscow and the West. It has positioned itself as neutral in the Russia-Ukraine war and balanced its status as an EU candidate with its longstanding ties to Russia.

Vucic made his first official visit to Ukraine on June 11.

Ukraine’s new top prosecutor known for high-profile cases, seen as Zelensky loyalist

Loyalty to the incumbent administration has been the key requirement for prosecutor generals in Ukraine. Ruslan Kravchenko, who was appointed as prosecutor general on June 21, appears to be no exception. Previously he had been appointed as a military governor by President Volodymyr Zelensky and is seen as a presidential loyalist. Kravchenko became Ukraine’s top prosecutor after a lengthy hiatus during which the position of prosecutor general remained vacant. His predecessor, Andriy Kostin, r

The Kyiv IndependentOleg Sukhov