Ukraine

June 10, 2025 9:06pm

Ukraine Russia Photos USA

Reading Time: 10 minutes

Ben Borges

Key developments on June 10:

• In one of largest attacks on Ukraine’s capital, Russian barrage hits Kyiv, Odesa, kills 3, injures 12
• Ukraine, Russia conduct second prisoner swap under Istanbul deal
• Russia significantly improved North Korea’s shoddy KN-23 ballistic missiles, Ukraine’s Budanov says
• EU unveils 18th package of sanctions against Russia, targeting energy, banking, oil
• Over 40% of Ukrainians willing to compromise on ‘de facto’ recognition of Russian occupation for peace, poll shows

Kyiv and Odesa came under another mass Russian attack in the early hours of June 10, involving ballistic missiles and drones.

Russia launched 315 Shahed-type attack drones and decoys against Ukraine overnight, as well as two North Korean KN-23 ballistic missiles and five Iskander-K cruise missiles, primarily targeting Kyiv, the Air Force reported.

Ukrainian air defenses shot down all seven missiles and 213 attack drones. According to the statement, 64 drones disappeared from radars or were intercepted by electronic warfare systems.

A woman was killed and four other people were injured in Kyiv, according to local authorities. Meanwhile, in the southern city of Odesa, two men were killed and at least eight civilians were wounded in the attack. One more person suffered shock during the attack on Odesa, authorities reported.

According to President Volodymyr Zelensky, the attack was one of the largest on Kyiv during the full-scale war.

“Russian missile and Shahed strikes drown out the efforts of the United States and others around the world to force Russia into peace,” he wrote on X.

“For yet another night, instead of a ceasefire, there were massive strikes with Shahed drones, cruise and ballistic missiles."

‘We love our country’ — As Russia steps up its attacks, Kyiv residents choose to stay

Sales manager Victoriia Nikishyna was sheltering with her cat in the stairwell when a Russian drone struck a residential building in Kyiv, leaving several rooms in her apartment without windows. “We’re still holding on. We haven’t fully processed what happened,” Nikishyna told the Kyiv Independent as State Emergency

The Kyiv IndependentKateryna Denisova

According to Culture Minister Mykola Tochytskyi, the strike also damaged St. Sophia Cathedral in Kyiv. The UNESCO World Heritage site, dating back to the 11th century, is one of Ukraine’s most significant religious and cultural landmarks.

The management of St. Sophia Cathedral has informed UNESCO about the damage caused to the historic site by a recent Russian airstrike, according to the reserve’s general director, Nelia Kukovalska. Speaking to Suspilne, she said that the blast wave damaged the cornice of the cathedral’s central apse.

In Odesa, a film studio and medical facilities, including a maternity hospital, were damaged.

A Russian attack caused damage to a maternity hospital in Odesa. At the time of the attack, 85 adults and 22 children were inside, but no staff or patients were injured as everyone was in the shelter, facility director Iryna Golovatyuk-Yuzefpolskaya told Suspilne.

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Ukraine, Russia conduct second prisoner swap under Istanbul deal

Ukraine and Russia carried out another prisoner exchange on June 10, concluding the second phase of an agreement reached during the most recent round of peace talks in Istanbul, President Volodymyr Zelensky announced.

"We continue the return of our people, as agreed in Istanbul," Zelensky wrote on X, confirming the exchange without immediately disclosing the number of returnees.

"Today marks the first stage of the return of our injured and severely wounded warriors from Russian captivity. All of them require immediate medical attention. This is an important humanitarian act," he added.

The Coordination Headquarters for the Treatment of Prisoners of War said the second group of released prisoners includes personnel from Ukraine's Navy, Ground Forces, National Guard, Unmanned Systems Forces, Air Assault Forces, Border Guard Service, Territorial Defense, and State Special Transport Service.

Ukraine managed to release officers, soldiers, and non-commissioned officers. Among the freed Ukrainian soldiers are those who are seriously ill, as well as those who defended the city of Mariupol in Donetsk Oblast and spent more than three years in captivity.

"All of the defenders released today have severe injuries and serious illnesses: amputated limbs, vision problems, abscesses, infections, trauma, shrapnel wounds, and chronic diseases. Some of the liberated have been diagnosed with hepatitis and tuberculosis," the headquarters' statement read.

The Russian Defense Ministry also said that it had received a second group of Russian prisoners of war who are now in Belarus. Moscow did not disclose the exchange details or the number of returnees.

The swap marks the second stage of the deal negotiated during the June 2 negotiations in Turkey — the second direct peace dialogue between Kyiv and Moscow since 2022.

Russia significantly improved North Korea's shoddy KN-23 ballistic missiles, Ukraine's Budanov says

Russia helped significantly improve North Korea's KN-23 ballistic missiles, also known as Hwasong-11, after receiving the first inaccurate batch from Pyongyang, Kyrylo Budanov, Ukraine's military intelligence (HUR) chief, said in an interview with The War Zone published on June 9.

North Korea has supplied Russia with ammunition, ballistic missiles, and soldiers since the beginning of the full-scale invasion.

KN-23 ballistic missiles initially flew with a deviation of a few kilometers and around half fired at Ukraine by Russia malfunctioned and exploded in mid-air, Reuters reported in May 2024, citing Ukraine's Prosecutor General's Office.

But now they are hitting their targets, Budanov said, without specifying what exactly was changed in the North Korean missiles.

"The KN-23 missiles that were delivered in the very beginning, now it's an absolutely different missile in (terms) of their technical characteristics. The accuracy has increased many times," Budanov said.

"This is the result of the common work of Russian and North Korean specialists. Also, there is the modernization of long-range air-to-air missiles, particular technologies on submarines, and unfortunately, ballistic missiles, which can carry nuclear payloads," he added.

According to Budanov, Russia has also agreed to help North Korea begin domestic production of Shahed-type kamikaze drones.

Pyongyang has ratcheted up its support for Russia following Russian President Vladimir Putin's signing of a mutual defense pact with North Korean leader Kim Jong Un in June 2024.

As Russia inches closer to Dnipropetrovsk Oblast, new Ukrainian region might soon be at war

Moscow said its troops had crossed into Dnipropetrovsk Oblast and were conducting offensive operations in the region, a claim Kyiv quickly denied as “Russian disinformation.” Russian troops have been pushing toward Dnipropetrovsk Oblast for months, trying to solidify the southern flank to capture Pokrovsk and the remaining parts of the

The Kyiv IndependentAsami Terajima

EU unveils 18th package of sanctions against Russia, targeting energy, banking, oil

The 18th package of European Union sanctions against Russia will include additional restrictions on energy, banking, oil, and other areas, European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen announced on June 10.

After the 17th package of sanctions against Russia came into effect on May 20, Ukraine's allies announced that the next package of restrictions was already in the works, after Moscow repeatedly refused to accept a ceasefire.

Russian troops also continue to advance slowly along the front line, approaching Ukraine's Dnipropetrovsk Oblast and moving deeper into Sumy Oblast.

"Russia's goal is not peace," von der Leyen said. "Strength is the only language that Russia will understand."

The EU has proposed for the first time a ban on transactions involving the Nord Stream 1 and Nord Stream 2 pipelines, as well as a reduction in the oil price cap from $60 to $45 per barrel, as one-third of Russia's government revenue still comes from oil exports, according to von der Leyen.

Von der Leyen added that the amendments to the oil price cap are a Group of Seven (G7) coalition measure, so it will be discussed at the G7 summit to be held on June 15-17 in Kananaskis County, located in the western province of Alberta, Canada.

The EU will also add 77 more shadow fleet vessels to comply with the cap to prevent Russia from circumventing sanctions and propose imposing a ban on imports of petroleum products made from Russian oil.

Another part of the sanctions will be aimed at the Russian banking sector, with the EU wanting to add 22 more Russian banks to the list of those who can no longer use the SWIFT international system.

The EU also proposes to extend the ban on transactions to financial operators in third countries that finance trade with Russia, bypassing sanctions, and to impose limitations on the Russian Direct Investment Fund, its subsidiaries, and investment projects.

Further EU restrictive measures will include a ban on exports worth more than 2.5 billion euros ($2.8 billion), which must deprive the Russian economy of critical technologies and industrial goods, von der Leyen said.

Machinery, metals, plastics, and chemicals used as raw materials for industry, as well as dual-use goods involved in the production of weapons and drones, will be affected, according to von der Leyen.

The European Commission President also emphasized that the EU wants its sanctions to be more effective. Thus, the EU would list another 22 Russian and foreign companies, including those from China and Belarus, providing direct or indirect support to Russia's military and industrial complex. These additions will bring the total number of sanctioned companies to over 800.

EU countries will start debating the proposal this week.

Key to Russia’s defeat lies in its economy

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The Kyiv IndependentWojciech Jakóbik

Over 40% of Ukrainians willing to compromise on 'de facto' recognition of Russian occupation for peace, poll shows

Some 48% of Ukrainians "categorically" oppose even a de facto recognition of Russian control of the occupied Ukrainian territories to achieve peace, according to a poll by the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology (KIIS) published on June 10.

In turn, 43% of respondents said they would be willing to make the concession to reach a peace deal with Moscow, provided it does not include a formal, or de jure, recognition of the Russian control.

The news comes as Russia continues to push for territorial concessions from Ukraine as part of the ongoing peace talks.

The survey suggests that Ukrainians are even less ready to accept a de jure recognition of the Russian occupation – 68% of respondents said they are categorically against such a step, while 24% were open to it if it leads to peace.

The strongest opposition – 78% – was against handing over control of Ukrainian territories that Russia does not currently occupy. Only 15% of respondents were willing to make that compromise.

Russia currently occupies roughly 20% of Ukraine's territory. This includes the whole of Crimea occupied in 2014 and large parts of the Donetsk, Luhansk, Zaporizhzhia, and Kherson oblasts.

Moscow illegally declared the annexation of the latter four regions in 2022 and insists on Ukraine's full withdrawal from them as part of a peace deal, even though it does not control them completely.

The Kremlin is also pushing for a formal recognition of its hold over Ukrainian territories. While U.S. President Donald Trump has reportedly signalled a willingness to U.S. recognition of the Russian occupation of Crimea, Ukraine has rejected the step, as well as its withdrawal from the territory it currently holds.

The poll revealed that public opinion on territorial concessions has remained relatively stable over the past months.

When asked whether Ukraine should give up territories to achieve peace — without specifying a de facto or de jure recognition of the Russian occupation — 52% said Ukraine should not take the step under "any circumstances."

In comparison, 38% of respondents backed the compromise. These are almost the same figures as in December 2024, when 51% were opposed to the concession, while 38% were open to it.

"Our survey shows that the issue of territorial losses is extremely sensitive for Ukrainians and, in particular, how exactly 'territorial losses' are interpreted plays a significant role," said Anton Hrushetskyi, executive director of KIIS, in a statement.

"At the same time, this means that (un)readiness for territorial losses can become the subject of manipulation and information campaigns against Ukraine."

The poll was conducted between May 15 and June 3. It involved 2,004 adult residents of the Ukrainian-controlled territories who were interviewed by telephone. Only about 500 of them answered all four questions.

Note from the author:

Ukraine War Latest is put together by the Kyiv Independent news desk team, who keep you informed 24 hours a day, seven days a week. If you value our work and want to ensure we have the resources to continue, join the Kyiv Independent community.

June 10, 2025 8:52pm

Ukraine Russia Photos

Reading Time: 4 minutes

Ben Borges

Moscow said its troops had crossed into Dnipropetrovsk Oblast and were conducting offensive operations in the region, a claim Kyiv quickly denied as “Russian disinformation.”

Russian troops have been pushing toward Dnipropetrovsk Oblast for months, trying to solidify the southern flank to capture Pokrovsk and the remaining parts of the adjacent Donetsk Oblast.

Western military experts who spoke to the Kyiv Independent said it was clear that Russian troops would eventually penetrate the southeastern region. But they didn’t expect either side to throw “a significant amount of forces” in this sector, as the capture of Donetsk Oblast remains Moscow’s main objective.

Emil Kastehelmi, an analyst at the Finland-based Black Bird Group, confirmed that geolocation shows Russian troops entered Dnipropetrovsk Oblast in recent days. Russian troops will likely advance “at least somewhat” deeper in the coming months, though it won’t change the overall dynamic of the front line, he added.

Kastehelmi believes that Russian troops could try advancing northwest from the southern flank of Pokrovsk to encircle the city that is already penetrated from the southern and eastern sides.

“The Russians probably have understood that if they want to make a proper encirclement threat, they need to widen the flanks and then continue operations near Pokrovsk,” Kastehelmi told the Kyiv Independent.

The Russian Defense Ministry said on June 8 that its troops were pushing forward in Dnipropetrovsk Oblast — a region adjacent to Donetsk and Zaporizhzhia oblasts but have thus not seen combat actions. It added that the Russian military’s 90th Guards Tank Division units had reached the western border of Donetsk Oblast and were thrusting forward into the industrial Dnipropetrovsk Oblast.

The Ukrainian military immediately denied the claim, saying that the fighting continued inside Donetsk Oblast, calling Russia’s claims “disinformation.”

The Ukrainian monitoring project DeepState has put the proximity of Russian troops to the Dnipropetrovsk Oblast border at about two kilometers, yet painting that distance between the regional border and the alleged position of Russian troops as no man’s land.

The Kyiv Independent requested a comment to the General Staff of Ukraine’s Armed Forces but has not heard back in time of publication.

Even if militarily not as significant, the Russian penetration into Dnipropetrovsk Oblast would mean yet another Ukrainian region would be now a warzone. It could also help strengthen the Russian negotiation position as the U.S. continues to push both sides to hold peace talks to end the war at all costs.

Russia had begun its long-expected offensive in April but has only made limited gains since then, besides opening a new front in the northeastern Sumy Oblast by occupying a number of border villages there.

Kastehelmi from the Black Bird Group said that the Ukrainian defense of Pokrovsk would be compromised if Russian troops are able to widen their flanks, which would enable them to bring their support elements forward.

“It can mean that they may be able in the summer to threaten the remaining supply routes to the city in a way which makes it even more dangerous for Ukrainian units,” Kastehelmi said.

Kastehelmi added that it would be “an operational success” for Moscow if it is able to first expand its flank westward toward Dnipropetrovsk Oblast and then begin attacking northward, while also building on the eastern flank. But he stressed that Russian troops have not been the best at coordinating attacks, even if it looks “doable” on paper.

Jakub Janovsky, a Prague-based military analyst at the Oryx open-source project tracking Ukrainian and Russian equipment losses, said that it likely won’t make “any difference” if Russian troops advanced a kilometer or two into Dnipropetrovsk Oblast.

He added that Russia appears to be continuing to rely heavily on small infantry group assaults, either on foot or motorcycles, thus decreasing the use of Soviet-era BMP fighting vehicles or tanks.

“It seems more likely that Russia will focus on Donetsk Oblast,” Janovsky told the Kyiv Independent.

“But it’s entirely possible that if they find a weak spot, they will try to exploit it.”

Inside Russia, calls for peace come with conditions — and Kremlin talking points

Following the second round of direct peace talks with Ukraine, the Russian side leaked its proposal on how to end its war — effectively a demand for Ukraine’s surrender. Yet, if the intentions of the Kremlin are no secret — continue the war until a political or military victory — getting information on

The Kyiv IndependentOleg Sukhov

June 10, 2025 8:37pm

Ukraine Russia Photos

Reading Time: 2 minutes

Ben Borges

President Volodymyr Zelensky on June 10 imposed sanctions on 48 individuals and nine organizations associated with the deportation of Ukrainian children, according to a decision of Ukraine’s National Security and Defense Council (NSDC).

Ukraine has documented over 19,500 cases of children who were forcibly taken to Russia, Belarus, or occupied territories since the beginning of the full-scale invasion in February 2022.

According to official figures, only about 1,300 of them have been brought back to areas under Ukrainian control.

The sanctions list includes Sergey Havrilchuk, director of the “Regional Center for Preparation for Military Service and Military-Patriotic Education” in the Russian-occupied Crimea, as well as the head of the regional headquarters of Yunarmiya (“Youth Army”), the state-sponsored youth organization that combines ideological indoctrination with military training for children and teenagers.

Ukraine’s military intelligence agency (HUR) said Havrilchuk was involved in organizing the abduction and illegal deportation of Ukrainian children from the Russian-occupied territories under the guise of “rehabilitation, recreation, and education,” and promotes the ideological re-education and militarization of children in Crimea.

Ukraine has also imposed sanctions against Irina Ageeva, the children’s ombudsman in Russia’s Kaluga Oblast. Ageeva supports and implements the policy of deportation of Ukrainian children, particularly by disseminating information about children taken to Russia, granting them Russian citizenship, and placement in families on the Russian social network Vkontakte, according to HUR.

The list also featured nine Russian organizations, including the Federal State Budgetary Educational Institution “Artek International Children’s Center.” Before the illegal annexation of Crimea in 2014, “Artek” was a Ukrainian children’s camp, but after the occupation of the peninsula, Russia took control of it.

The camp is now involved in the mass abduction, illegal deportation, and forced displacement of Ukrainian children, organizing “rehabilitation, recreation, and education” and spreading information about the “peacekeeping and humanitarian” goals of Russia, according to HUR.

Previously, Zelensky announced on May 25 that three new sanction packages had came into effect, targeting propagandists, criminal networks, and Russian financiers.

Growing up under missiles — Ukrainian childhoods shaped by war (Photos)

Ukrainian children are growing up in a world entirely reshaped by Russia’s war. Sirens, blackouts, and bomb shelters are nothing extraordinary — but a part of everyday childhood. This photo story follows five families as they raise their children in the shadow of the ongoing invasion. It’s not about

The Kyiv IndependentElena Kalinichenko

June 10, 2025 8:07pm

Ukraine Russia Photos

Ben Borges

Russia has conducted another mass attack on multiple Ukrainian cities on June 10. According to President Volodymyr Zelensky, the attack was one of the largest on Kyiv during the full-scale war. The Kyiv Independent has visited the apartment complex in one of Kyiv’s residential districts that was damaged overnight, and spoke to its residents about why they chose to stay in Ukraine’s capital, despite Russia’s intensifying attacks.

June 10, 2025 7:57pm

Ukraine Russia Photos

Reading Time: 2 minutes

Ben Borges

The State Duma, the lower chamber of Russia’s parliament, passed a bill on June 10 to create a new messaging app, the so-called “national messenger,” the Duma’s press service reported, as the Kremlin tries to reduce its dependency on WhatsApp and Telegram

The new app “combines the features of a messenger and the functions of government services,” a statement read.

The news comes as Russia tries to reduce citizens' access to foreign messengers and other online services in favor of domestic applications.

The new online platform is needed to increase “the availability of governmental services” and “strengthen the protection of information exchanged among users,” according to the bill.

The new application will be integrated into Russian state and municipal databases, and private information can be transferred with the user’s consent, particularly for “identification, signing contracts, paying for services or goods."

Documents submitted through the “national messenger” will be equated to paper originals. The system will also allow users to certify documents with their electronic signatures.

The Russian messenger will include all “educational services and chats that educational institutions of all levels currently use."

The Russian government will choose a company to develop the application.

In March 2022, the Russian government blocked Facebook and Instagram. Two years later, Russia’s communications regulator, Roskomnadzor, announced the blocking of Viber and Signal apps.

The Russian government is also considering blocking WhatsApp, an app owned by Meta, a company labeled as an “extremist organization” in Russia.

In July 2024, Russia’s communications regulator, Roskomnadzor, began throttling YouTube speeds, initially blaming technical issues caused by wear and tear on Google’s servers. Google dismissed the claim, while Russian lawmaker Alexander Khinshtein later confirmed the slowdowns were intentional.

In African universities, Russia’s war against Ukraine finds new supporters

The halls of academia have long been considered sanctuaries of critical thinking, intellectual discourse, and the pursuit of truth. Universities across the globe pride themselves on fostering environments where diverse perspectives can be examined, debated, and understood through the lens of scholarly rigor. However, the Russian invasion of Ukraine has

The Kyiv IndependentNgotho Gichuru

June 10, 2025 7:08pm

Ukraine Russia Photos

Reading Time: 4 minutes

Ben Borges

Sales manager Victoriia Nikishyna was sheltering with her cat in the stairwell when a Russian drone struck a residential building in Kyiv, leaving several rooms in her apartment without windows.

“We’re still holding on. We haven’t fully processed what happened,” Nikishyna told the Kyiv Independent as State Emergency Service crews continued working at the scene.

In recent weeks, Russia has intensified its attacks on Kyiv and other Ukrainian cities. The June 10 strike against the capital was one of the largest strikes since the beginning of the full-scale war.

The air raid alert in Kyiv lasted more than five hours as repeated explosions rocked the city. A woman was killed, and four other people were injured in the capital, according to local authorities.

The renewed assault comes just a day after Russia launched a record 499 aerial weapons against Ukraine, including drones and multiple types of missiles.

Despite the recent uptick in attacks against the capital, local residents see no desire to leave. Looking weary and visibly shaken, Nikishyna didn’t hesitate to explain why she was staying in Kyiv.

“This is my favorite city, this is my home, so we choose to live at home,” she said.

Other residents of the damaged residential complex echoed her sentiment. Some cited personal reasons, but all agreed that leaving would not guarantee a better life.

“My family is here, my work is here, my life is here. You wake up somehow, drink your coffee, and keep going,” said project manager Yana Hrosheva, who lives in the residential complex damaged by the strike.

Ukraine’s Air Force reported that Russia launched 315 Shahed drones and decoys, along with two North Korean ballistic missiles and five Iskander cruise missiles — the majority aimed at Kyiv. All seven missiles were intercepted, 213 attack drones were shot down, and 64 more were neutralized by electronic warfare.

Amid the Russian attack, fires broke out in high-rise buildings, homes, cars, and warehouses in multiple districts, including in the damaged 25-storey building located in Kyiv’s Obolon district in the historic Kurenivka neighborhood.

At the scene, smoke was rising, and a helicopter was actively extinguishing the fire.

“I’ve been living in Kyiv for the past 16 years. I have my home, my job here. I simply don’t want to leave everything I’ve built behind and go into the unknown,” said Elvira Nechyporenko, who works as a project manager in a construction firm.

IT specialist Oleksii Pashuta recalled that Russian drones had flown near their building a few times before. This time, though, the buzzing grew louder — then came the explosion. Despite the constant threat, his wife refuses to leave Ukraine with their son.

“She doesn’t want to leave because she doesn’t believe life would be better abroad,” he said.

“She doesn’t want to leave her parents or me. She’s heard too many stories of families falling apart when separated — so she’s decided to stay.”

For others, the decision to stay is also one of duty.

“First of all, my husband is a serviceman. I won’t leave him — a wife is his support. We have a whole family here, children — a girl and a boy — and we all stand with their father,” said Liudmyla Dobrenko, who lives in the residential area and serves in the Armed Forces.

“We decided that we will stay in our country anyway. We were born here, we love our country.”

Note from the author:

Hello there! This is Kateryna Denisova, the author of this piece. Russia’s attacks on Kyiv and across Ukraine continue relentlessly, with no ceasefire in sight. My colleagues and I are working around the clock here on the ground to bring you the latest updates. Your support helps make this work possible.

Please consider contributing to sustain our reporting.

June 10, 2025 6:44pm

Ukraine Russia Photos

Reading Time: 8 minutes

Ben Borges

The halls of academia have long been considered sanctuaries of critical thinking, intellectual discourse, and the pursuit of truth. Universities across the globe pride themselves on fostering environments where diverse perspectives can be examined, debated, and understood through the lens of scholarly rigor.

However, the Russian invasion of Ukraine has exposed a troubling trend within certain African academic institutions: a marked bias toward Russian narratives that undermines the very principles of academic integrity and intellectual honesty that universities claim to uphold.

This bias is not merely an abstract concern about geopolitical alignment; it represents a fundamental betrayal of the educational mission that universities exist to fulfill. When academic institutions abandon objectivity in favor of political positioning, they fail their students, their communities, and the broader pursuit of knowledge that defines higher education.

The stakes could not be higher as universities shape the minds of future leaders, policymakers, and citizens who will navigate an increasingly complex global landscape.

Across various African universities, a concerning pattern has emerged since Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. Rather than maintaining the scholarly distance necessary for objective analysis, numerous institutions have embraced narratives that closely align with Russian state propaganda.

This manifests in multiple ways: academic conferences that present one-sided perspectives on the conflict, research publications that uncritically amplify Moscow's justifications for the war, and classroom discussions that frame the invasion through the lens of Western imperialism rather than examining it as a clear violation of international law.

Ukraine must look beyond the EU for its agricultural future

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The Kyiv IndependentMark Iwashko

The roots of this bias are complex and multifaceted. Historical ties between the Soviet Union and various African nations during the Cold War era have created lingering sympathies that some academics appear unable to separate from contemporary realities.

Additionally, legitimate grievances about Western colonial history and ongoing concerns about neocolonialism have been exploited to create false equivalencies between Russian aggression and Western influence. Some academics have conflated criticism of Western policies with support for Russian actions, creating a dangerous intellectual blind spot.

Economic factors also play a role. Russian investment in African educational infrastructure, scholarship programs, and research partnerships have created institutional relationships that some universities appear reluctant to jeopardize through objective analysis of Russian actions. This economic dependence has compromised academic freedom, creating situations where financial considerations override scholarly integrity.

The influence of Russian state media and disinformation campaigns cannot be overlooked. RT (formerly Russia Today) and Sputnik have specifically targeted African audiences with sophisticated propaganda operations designed to shape public opinion.

Unfortunately, some academics have proven susceptible to these narratives, either through genuine belief or through a misguided sense that amplifying Russian perspectives represents intellectual diversity.

When universities abandon objectivity, the consequences extend far beyond the ivory tower. Students who receive biased education are ill-equipped to understand complex global issues, make informed decisions as citizens, or contribute meaningfully to policy discussions. They graduate with skewed worldviews that may influence their professional and personal choices for decades to come.

The credibility of African scholarship suffers when institutions are perceived as politically motivated rather than academically rigorous. This damages the reputation of African universities in international academic circles, potentially limiting collaboration opportunities, research partnerships, and the mobility of African scholars.

When African academics present papers at international conferences that uncritically repeat Russian talking points, they undermine their own credibility and that of their institutions.

Perhaps most importantly, bias in academia contributes to the broader information warfare that authoritarian regimes wage against democratic values and international law. Universities that should serve as bastions of critical thinking instead become unwitting participants in propaganda campaigns designed to undermine global stability and human rights.

The situation becomes particularly problematic when considering the humanitarian dimensions of Russia's war against Ukraine. Hospitals, schools, and civilian infrastructure have been deliberately targeted by Russian forces, creating a refugee crisis that has displaced millions of people.

When universities fail to acknowledge these realities or attempt to justify them through geopolitical frameworks, they implicitly endorse violence against civilians and violations of international humanitarian law.

African universities must recommit to their fundamental mission of pursuing truth through rigorous scholarship rather than serving as vehicles for political propaganda.

This transformation requires several concrete steps. First, universities must establish clear guidelines for faculty regarding the difference between legitimate academic analysis and political advocacy.

While scholars should be free to examine controversial topics from multiple perspectives, they must do so within frameworks that respect evidence, logic, and established principles of international law.

Second, African universities must diversify their funding sources and partnership arrangements to reduce dependence on any single country or ideological bloc. The current situation, where some institutions appear reluctant to criticize Russian actions due to financial relationships, represents an unacceptable compromise of academic independence.

Hiding in plain sight — how Russia’s cultural centers continue to operate in US, Europe despite espionage claims

In the video, Russian activist Anna Kiryakova reads from a book of poetry that glorifies her country’s war against Ukraine. The anthology’s title — “Poetry of the Russian Winter” — is written with the Latin Z in place of its Russian analog. The inclusion of that one letter aligns the

The Kyiv IndependentLinda Hourani

Third, universities must invest in media literacy and critical thinking education for both faculty and students. The susceptibility of some academics to Russian disinformation campaigns reveals significant gaps in the ability to evaluate sources, identify propaganda techniques, and distinguish between credible and manipulated information.

Fourth, African universities must strengthen their commitment to international academic standards and peer review processes. When scholars publish work that fails to meet basic standards of evidence and argumentation, it reflects poorly on the entire African academic community. Rigorous peer review can help ensure that African scholarship maintains the quality necessary for international respect and collaboration.

The pro-Russian bias evident in some African universities represents more than just a misguided political position; it constitutes a surrender of intellectual independence to foreign propaganda.

This is particularly ironic given that many of these same institutions pride themselves on their commitment to African independence and self-determination.

True intellectual independence requires the courage to analyze situations objectively, regardless of political pressures or historical sympathies. It means acknowledging uncomfortable truths about allies while maintaining the ability to critique opponents fairly. Most importantly, it means refusing to sacrifice scholarly integrity for political convenience.

African universities have a proud tradition of intellectual leadership, from their role in anti-colonial movements to their contributions to post-independence development. This legacy is endangered when institutions abandon their commitment to truth in favor of political positioning.

The current moment represents a critical test of whether African higher education will live up to its historical role as a force for enlightenment and progress.

The stakes extend beyond the immediate question of how to analyze Russia's war against Ukraine. Universities that compromise their integrity on this issue signal their willingness to subordinate academic standards to political considerations more broadly. This has implications for everything from scientific research to economic analysis to social policy development.

African universities stand at a crossroads. They can continue down the path of political bias, sacrificing their integrity for short-term political or economic gains, or they can lead by example by recommitting to the principles of scholarly objectivity and intellectual honesty that define higher education at its best.

The choice is not merely about how to analyze one particular conflict; it is about the fundamental purpose and character of African higher education. Universities that choose bias over objectivity risk becoming irrelevant to serious academic discourse and ineffective in their mission to educate future leaders.

The world needs African universities that can contribute meaningfully to global conversations about complex issues. This requires institutions that maintain high scholarly standards, resist political pressure, and commit themselves to the pursuit of truth regardless of where it leads.

Can South Africa lead the charge for nuclear safety in Ukraine?

Through the first half of March, the Truth Hounds team embarked on an advocacy trip to South Africa to discuss two major recent reports: one on the destruction of the Kakhovka dam and the international law protection of the environment during armed conflict, and another on the torture at the

The Kyiv IndependentDmytro Koval

Editor’s Note: The opinions expressed in the op-ed section are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Kyiv Independent.

June 10, 2025 6:37pm

Ukraine Russia Photos

Reading Time: 2 minutes

Ben Borges

Russia helped significantly improve North Korea’s KN-23 ballistic missiles, also known as Hwasong-11, after receiving the first inaccurate batch from Pyongyang, Kyrylo Budanov, Ukraine’s military intelligence (HUR) chief, said in an interview with The War Zone published on June 9.

North Korea has supplied Russia with ammunition, ballistic missiles, and soldiers since the beginning of the full-scale invasion.

KN-23 ballistic missiles initially flew with a deviation of a few kilometers and around half fired at Ukraine by Russia malfunctioned and exploded in mid-air, Reuters reported in May 2024, citing Ukraine’s Prosecutor General’s Office.

But now they are hitting their targets, Budanov said, without specifying what exactly was changed in the North Korean missiles.

“The KN-23 missiles that were delivered in the very beginning, now it’s an absolutely different missile in (terms) of their technical characteristics. The accuracy has increased many times,” Budanov said.

“This is the result of the common work of Russian and North Korean specialists. Also, there is the modernization of long-range air-to-air missiles, particular technologies on submarines, and unfortunately, ballistic missiles, which can carry nuclear payloads,” he added.

According to Budanov, Russia has also agreed to help North Korea begin domestic production of Shahed-type kamikaze drones.

Pyongyang has ratcheted up its support for Russia following Russian President Vladimir Putin’s signing of a mutual defense pact with North Korean leader Kim Jong Un in June 2024.

According to a May 29 report by the Multilateral Sanctions Monitoring Team (MSMT), Pyongyang shipped to Russia up to 9 million artillery shells and at least 100 ballistic missiles in 2024 alone.

North Korea’s involvement in the war expanded in fall 2024, when it deployed thousands of troops to Russia’s western border to help fend off a large-scale Ukrainian incursion.

The move followed the signing of a defense treaty between the two countries in June 2024, obligating both to provide military aid if either is attacked.

North Korea acknowledged its role in the war only in April 2025. A month later, North Korean dictator Kim Jong Un said the country’s participation was part of a “sacred mission,” aligning Pyongyang’s narrative with Moscow’s.

Exclusive: Ukraine could face 500+ Russian drones a night as Kremlin builds new launch sites

Russia will soon be able to deploy more than 500 long-range drones a night to attack Ukraine as it ramps up production and builds new launch sites for them, a source in Ukraine’s military intelligence (HUR) has told the Kyiv Independent. According to the source, Russia’s production rate for one

The Kyiv IndependentKollen Post

June 10, 2025 6:12pm

Ukraine Russia Photos

Reading Time: 9 minutes

Ben Borges

In an open conversation with Radio.NV journalist Oleh Biletskyi, Mr. Łukasiewicz spoke about the challenges of transformation, common security architecture, economic partnership, and the need to protect relations between our countries not only from missiles but also from disinformation.

On Poland’s integration into NATO and the EU

Piotr Łukasiewicz noted that joining NATO was significantly easier for Poland than EU integration. While NATO primarily required transforming the military system, joining the EU implied a complete overhaul of the state and society.

“Integration into the European Union requires transformation of the whole state. I would even dare to say that it requires a transformation of the entire society on many levels. That’s why we joined NATO first in 1999 and joined the European Union in 2004. Compared to NATO, joining the EU required more time and effort.”

On why Ukraine’s membership in the EU and NATO is in Poland’s interest

Poland remains a consistent advocate for Ukraine’s Euro-Atlantic integration, not only out of solidarity, but also due to security and economic reasons:

“The full-scale invasion contributed to a deep strategic transformation of Ukrainian-Polish relations. This transformation leads us to believe that for security reasons, and due to economic and political interests, Ukraine should be in the European Union as our partner, and it should also be in NATO.”

“This is our strategic, political, and even historical and civilizational interest that Ukraine becomes a member of what was called the transatlantic family. We can discuss whether the transatlantic concept is still alive, but the idea of Ukraine being a part of this family of free, independent, democratic, militarily strong alliances — both the European Union and NATO — is very much alive in Poland. I can easily predict that this will remain our strategic goal.”

On Poland’s security interest

Mr. Łukasiewicz emphasized that Ukraine’s EU and NATO membership is not only political but also security interest for Poland.

“Strategic choice and interest of Poland that we have Russia as far as possible from our immediate neighborhood. If you are following Polish historical discussions even before the war, it was always our goal to keep Russia as far as possible from Central Europe because its sentiment has not changed for the last 300 years. Russia should not be a part of Central European politics, it should not impose its imperialistic goals on Central Europe. It’s our security interest.” 

On the economic issues

Poland sees Ukraine not only as a geopolitical ally but also as a strategic economic partner.

“The European Union is broader than just security – it’s an economic family too, and given the size of our countries Poland has economic interest in Ukraine. In the last 20 years we have been oriented towards the West, especially towards Germany. But I believe, to preserve our economic growth, we should become less a subcontractor of western countries, such as Germany, and look for opportunities in another direction. Economic interest of Poland is having Ukraine as a reliable economic partner since Ukraine has a vast potential in agriculture and many other areas. We have close military, economic and social connections. For example, more than a million Ukrainians became a part of the Polish labour market to the benefit of our country. Despite some toxic discussions around it, Ukrainians are part of our society and economy.” 

On the shared vision for the future of Europe

The Ambassador emphasized that Ukraine and Poland can jointly shape the agenda in the European Union and NATO:

“Ukraine and Poland can cooperate in the EU and in other areas. If the current voting system in the EU parliament, an important agency in Europe, remains intact, Poland and Ukraine could create one of the most important voting blocks there. Of course, from time to time our interests would diverge, that is normal. But if we preserve basic unity between us, we would be able to balance other European powers. This is just one example of how we can work together and join hands in the future European organizations or in NATO.”

On Polish society, disinformation, and interpersonal relations

In response to a question about the impact of Ukrainian migration on Polish society and public opinion, Piotr Łukasiewicz acknowledged that the topic is complex, especially in view of information attacks and manipulations:

“This is the most difficult issue to discuss, especially in the age of information and disinformation. Social interactions might be used to the benefit of both nations or to spoil their relations. We are fully aware that sometimes emotional discussions might lead to the ruptures between our nations. The task for diplomats — both me here and ambassador Bodnar in Warsaw — is to support these relations and keep communications on such a level that strengthens our relations rather than spoils it. I hope we are doing our job on a satisfactory level.”

“Now we are talking about the transformation of a country that wants to join the European Union and NATO. We, Poles, have been in this position; we saw all the problems and discussions, all the information and disinformation that spreads in the member states of these organizations against potential members. Twenty years ago, when Poland joined NATO and the EU, Europeans were being frightened by Polish plumbers who would come to France and destroy the plumbing market. Similar discussions occurred before the labor market opened for Bulgarians and Romanians, or before the disastrous Brexit. I clearly remember Spanish farmers who revolted against the ‘powerful Polish agricultural sector’ that was coming to destroy the single market. Twenty years have passed, and those discussions have somewhat quieted down. Today, Europe is facing other crises — migration and economic ones. But no one today is talking about Poles stealing jobs from French plumbers or Spanish farmers. So this is a question of how to adapt the market to the challenges associated with the accession of other countries, especially large ones like Poland in 2004 or Ukraine now. It is also a question of proper communication: we need to speak about the untapped potential, not frighten people with mythical threats andа dangers.”

“Today we are talking of the transformation of the nation that is aspiring to join the EU and NATO. We, Poles, have been there. We have seen all the problems, discussions, all the information and disinformation being spread in countries that are part of the organization that is trying to involve future member states. 20-25 years ago when Poland joined NATO and the EU, there were famous warnings in France against Polish plumbers that allegedly would come to France and destroy the plumbing market there. I remember all the discussions that led to the disaster of Brexit in the UK: these were discussions against opening the UK job market for Poles, Bulgarians, Romanians etc. I remember Spanish farmers revolting against the so-called powerful Polish agricultural industry coming and spoiling the common market. Twenty years later this whole discussion has settled down and Europe is undergoing a different kind of crisis – migrant, economic etc., but no one is talking about Poles stealing jobs from French plumbers or Spanish farmers anymore. It is the question of how to adapt the market to the challenges of the new members, especially large ones like Poland then or Ukraine now. But it’s also the question of proper communication – how to utilize the potential rather than highlight imaginary dangers.” 

On the benefits of EU membership

“Advantages of European Union membership are immense. Leszek Balcerowicz’s research partner — professor Witold Orlowski — just published a book where he shows with proper economic calculations that Polish wealth grew by almost 300% since 2004. This means that Poland is worth three times what it was worth then. It is good to be part of the EU despite all the accompanying challenges. It also should take good communications from both the EU and future members, like Ukraine.”

On Poland’s cooperation with Ukraine in reconstruction

Piotr Łukasiewicz emphasized that Poland sees participation in Ukraine’s post-war reconstruction not as as an opportunity for quick gains, but as creation of sustainable cooperation ecosystem between the public and private sectors of both countries:

“Our approach to the idea of reconstruction [of Ukraine] is not just to look for economic opportunities or profitable deals (“hit and run”). Our goal is rather building an ecosystem of public and private sector actors to create something robust and long-term. A state-owned Polish insurer present in Ukraine, a Polish development bank, BGK, just opened its office in Kyiv (this bank will provide loans to local communities for municipal services and it uses Ukraine Facility money). The Polish development agency, Solidarity Fund, designed to support local communities, operates in Ukraine too. I don’t know how many Polish companies are present in Ukraine but three major Polish associations of entrepreneurs work here on the future economic cooperation.”

Mr. Łukasiewicz also noted the importance of supporting veterans:

“We are very interested in Ukrainian veterans, their employment opportunities, and their future place in Ukrainian society. This is one of our “holy tasks” — to support veterans. I am a veteran myself, I know how important it is to actually elevate these people to the proper level after the war ends.”

On the role of Poland for Ukraine

“Poland created a system in Ukraine preparing to utilize its geographical, historical, political, and social closeness to Ukraine. It will be not only a gateway for a major investment from abroad but a part of this investment. We no longer want to play the role of labour force provider in the EU, we would like to take on an investor role in Ukraine. That’s a new role for Poland, and I do my best to live up to these expectations. For us, the gateway to Europe was Germany: the German example was very important for Poland. We are trying to play the same role for Ukraine. 

Piotr Łukasiewicz emphasized that Poland has experience of a painful but effective integration with the EU, and is ready to share this knowledge with Ukraine:

“We know the joy and happiness connected with joining the European Union. The process of transformation was very joyful but also quite painful both for Poland and for other countries that adapted themselves to the EU. We are a great source of experience, especially given the size, demography, and economy of Ukraine. That’s why we are sending our experts, for example, to help you write grants applications to the EU.” 

On the future

“There is a bright future ahead of both our countries. I genuinely believe that Ukraine will win this war. Russia with all its evil and imperialistic goals would perish as it is now, and Ukraine would emerge victorious in the zones of wealth and security (EU and NATO)”

June 10, 2025 6:00pm

Ukraine Russia

Reading Time: 2 minutes

Ben Borges

Montenegro has announced plans to initiate drone assembly on its territory, with the first shipment set to be delivered to Ukraine as military aid.

According to reports from the Russian outlet Kommersant, citing regional media, On May 29, the Montenegrin government approved the plan to produce UAVs.

The project has garnered support from the United States, which is set to invest $15 million into establishing the production facility. The primary objective is to bolster Montenegro's defense capabilities as a NATO member, enhance Ukraine's defensive capacities, and strengthen Podgorica's status as a supplier of advanced military equipment.

To carry out the project, Montenegro seeks to collaborate with the American company By Light, known for producing four types of drones, one of which can remain airborne for up to 10 hours and carry a payload of up to 27.2 kg. As of now, a separate agreement with the company is yet to be signed.

The U.S. Embassy in Podgorica voiced its support for the project, noting that such investments affirm Montenegro's commitment to its NATO obligations.

Conversely, Russian propagandists claim that non-coalition political parties in Montenegro have criticized the project, suggesting its implementation could lead to "direct involvement of the country in the conflict with Russia."

Since Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine, Podgorica has extended approximately €11.3 million in military aid to Kyiv and has welcomed a significant number of Ukrainian refugees.

June 10, 2025 5:27pm

Ukraine Russia Photos

Reading Time: 3 minutes

Ben Borges

The 18th package of European Union sanctions against Russia will include additional restrictions on energy, banking, oil, and other areas, European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen announced on June 10.

After the 17th package of sanctions against Russia came into effect on May 20, Ukraine’s allies announced that the next package of restrictions was already in the works, after Moscow repeatedly refused to accept a ceasefire.

Russian troops also continue to advance slowly along the front line, approaching Ukraine’s Dnipropetrovsk Oblast and moving deeper into Sumy Oblast.

“Russia’s goal is not peace,” von der Leyen said. “Strength is the only language that Russia will understand."

The EU has proposed for the first time a ban on transactions involving the Nord Stream 1 and Nord Stream 2 pipelines, as well as a reduction in the oil price cap from $60 to $45 per barrel, as one-third of Russia’s government revenue still comes from oil exports, according to von der Leyen.

Von der Leyen added that the amendments to the oil price cap are a Group of Seven (G7) coalition measure, so it will be discussed at the G7 summit to be held on June 15-17 in Kananaskis County, located in the western province of Alberta, Canada.

The EU will also add 77 more shadow fleet vessels to comply with the cap to prevent Russia from circumventing sanctions and propose imposing a ban on imports of petroleum products made from Russian oil.

Another part of the sanctions will be aimed at the Russian banking sector, with the EU wanting to add 22 more Russian banks to the list of those who can no longer use the SWIFT international system.

The EU also proposes to extend the ban on transactions to financial operators in third countries that finance trade with Russia, bypassing sanctions, and to impose limitations on the Russian Direct Investment Fund, its subsidiaries, and investment projects.

Further EU restrictive measures will include a ban on exports worth more than 2.5 billion euros ($2.8 billion), which must deprive the Russian economy of critical technologies and industrial goods, von der Leyen said.

Machinery, metals, plastics, and chemicals used as raw materials for industry, as well as dual-use goods involved in the production of weapons and drones, will be affected, according to von der Leyen.

The European Commission President also emphasized that the EU wants its sanctions to be more effective. Thus, the EU would list another 22 Russian and foreign companies, including those from China and Belarus, providing direct or indirect support to Russia’s military and industrial complex. These additions will bring the total number of sanctioned companies to over 800.

EU countries will start debating the proposal this week.

Key to Russia’s defeat lies in its economy

As the war in Ukraine grinds on, attention remains fixed on the battlefield. But Russia’s most vulnerable flank is not in the trenches — it’s in the treasury. The West, and especially the United States, holds economic levers that could push Vladimir Putin toward serious negotiations or even collapse

The Kyiv IndependentWojciech Jakóbik

June 10, 2025 5:00pm

Ukraine Russia

Ben Borges

The Ukrainian Armed Forces have been increasingly deploying ballistic missiles on the battlefield, with recent operations targeting Russian command centers more frequently since May, says Valeriy Ryabykh, the director of Defense Express, who suggests that ballistic missiles might have been used for these strategic hits.

According to Ryabykh, Ukraine has bolstered its offensive capabilities against Russia, successfully striking positions such as the Iskander missile system. Additionally, the Link system for F-16 aircraft has proven effective, he told Espreso TV.

Ryabykh noted that over the past year, the Ukrainian military has frequently carried out strikes using weapons that experts have struggled to identify, prompting speculation that Ukraine might have developed its own ballistic system currently being tested in real combat conditions. He indicated that while full-scale production may not yet be confirmed, preparations appear to be underway. Back in August 2024, Ukraine's President Volodymyr Zelensky announced the successful test of the first locally made ballistic missile.

Additionally, on June 6, Valentyn Badrak, director of the Center for Army Studies, stated that May saw the inaugural test of a missile that covered a distance of 300 km, successfully hitting an enemy command post.

June 10, 2025 4:46pm

Ukraine Russia Photos

Reading Time: 2 minutes

Ben Borges

Editor’s note: This is a developing story and is being updated.

Ukraine and Russia carried out another prisoner exchange on June 10, concluding the second phase of an agreement reached during the most recent round of peace talks in Istanbul, President Volodymyr Zelensky announced.

“We continue the return of our people, as agreed in Istanbul,” Zelensky wrote on X, confirming the exchange without immediately disclosing the number of returnees.

“Today marks the first stage of the return of our injured and severely wounded warriors from Russian captivity. All of them require immediate medical attention. This is an important humanitarian act,” he added.

The swap marks the second stage of the deal negotiated during the June 2 negotiations in Turkey — the second direct peace dialogue between Kyiv and Moscow since 2022.

While no ceasefire or political breakthrough was achieved, both sessions resulted in key humanitarian agreements, including commitments to exchange prisoners of war (POWs) and the bodies of fallen soldiers.

Alongside the prisoner swap, Moscow pledged to hand over the remains of 6,000 Ukrainian service members. Zelensky said on June 4 that preparations for the body repatriation would begin after the completion of the prisoner exchange.

Tensions briefly flared on June 7, when Russian officials claimed the exchange had failed due to Ukraine's actions. Kyiv rejected the accusation, calling it disinformation.

Russia also released a video showing refrigerators allegedly containing Ukrainian bodies, which Ukrainian officials said was filmed inside Russia and not at an agreed exchange site.

The latest exchange follows the largest swap of the full-scale war, conducted between May 23–25, during which 1,000 captives were released by each side. Ukraine has returned over 5,000 prisoners from Russian captivity since March 2022, according to official data.

Kyiv continues to advocate for an "all-for-all" formula, which would see the return of every captured Ukrainian soldier. Russia has repeatedly refused to accept such a comprehensive deal.

Ukraine begins new major prisoner exchange with Russia

Among those freed are defenders of Mariupol who had spent more than three years in captivity.

The Kyiv IndependentAnna Fratsyvir

June 10, 2025 4:42pm

Ukraine Russia USA

Reading Time: 2 minutes

Ben Borges

Diplomatic discussions concerning arms purchases from the United States are actively underway, according to the Ukrainian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. This announcement comes as aid packages continue to arrive from the U.S.

Ukrainian Foreign Ministry representative, Heorhiy Tikhiy, spoke to the media on Tuesday, June 10, outlining Ukraine's ongoing dialogues with the United States regarding the acquisition of American weaponry. "Ukraine is actively engaging with the U.S. on acquiring American arms, including air defense systems like the Patriot missiles, and other critical resources they've been providing over the years," Tikhiy stated.

Expressing gratitude toward America, Tikhiy emphasized Ukraine's readiness to procure American arms via diverse funding sources.

In response to inquiries about current aid packages from the U.S., Tikhiy confirmed, "To my knowledge, those aid packages are indeed being delivered."

Additionally, the discussions on arms procurement also align with funding options devised under mineral resource agreements, as pointed out by Tikhiy.

Earlier this year, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky underscored the nation's intent to purchase $50 billion worth of U.S. weapons as a strategic security guarantee. He also said that Ukraine is ready to acquire 10 Patriot systems from the U.S. at a potential cost of $15 billion.

In contrast, former President Donald Trump delivered a stern response to Zelensky's comments on the Patriot systems: "He's always looking to purchase missiles. Listen, when you start a war, you gotta know you can win a war. You don't start a war against somebody that's 20 times your size and then hope that people give you some missiles.."

Trump's comments implied that Ukraine initiated the conflict with Russia. However, Ukraine anticipates continued U.S. arms sales despite such remarks, according to officials within the Ukrainian President's Office.

June 10, 2025 4:09pm

Ukraine Russia Photos

Reading Time: 2 minutes

Ben Borges

Ukraine’s Western allies are not imposing new sanctions on Russia in part because of Kyiv’s refusal to lower the mobilization age to 18, President Volodymyr Zelensky said in an interview with Valasz Online published on June 10.

With the start of the full-scale invasion, Ukraine updated its mobilization legislation and lowered the minimum age for compulsory military service from 27 to 25.

Yet, some partners, including the U.S., still criticize Kyiv for setting the age threshold too high.

“I do not believe that we should mobilize people from the age of 18, as the leaders of other countries have thought," Zelensky said.

“However, when it comes to sanctions, as Western partners list the reasons why they did not decide to impose them, they include that Ukraine did not mobilize people aged 18 and above,” he added.

Zelensky said that it is not so much the number of people as the “weapons and technology” that are important, as proved by the recent Operation Spiderweb, during which Ukraine reportedly hit 41 Russian military aircraft with first-person-view (FPV) drones hidden in trucks in Russia

He added that “money and exerting pressure” were also crucial for forcing Russia to end its war.

“The sanctions would target the money that the Russians are using to finance the war,” Zelensky said.

Personnel shortages have dogged Ukraine throughout its fight against Russia. Although Ukraine adopted a major bill reforming the draft in April, mobilization slowed down in autumn, leaving front-line units depleted.

Russian forces significantly outnumber Ukrainian units and have been able to advance at record rates in eastern Ukraine while absorbing heavy losses.

Key to Russia’s defeat lies in its economy

As the war in Ukraine grinds on, attention remains fixed on the battlefield. But Russia’s most vulnerable flank is not in the trenches — it’s in the treasury. The West, and especially the United States, holds economic levers that could push Vladimir Putin toward serious negotiations or even collapse

The Kyiv IndependentWojciech Jakóbik

June 10, 2025 3:13pm

Ukraine Russia Photos USA

Reading Time: 3 minutes

Ben Borges

Russian negotiators told the Ukrainian delegation directly that their so-called “peace memorandum” is an ultimatum Kyiv cannot accept, President Volodymyr Zelensky said in an interview with Hungarian news outlet Valasz Online published on June 10.

“They even told our delegation: we know that our memorandum is an ultimatum, and you will not accept it,” Zelensky said. “Thus, the question is not the quality of the Istanbul format, but what to do about the Russians' lies."

Zelensky said Russia’s goal is to erode Western support for Ukraine and prolong negotiations while continuing military aggression.

The remarks follow the second round of direct peace talks in Istanbul on June 2, where the Kremlin submitted its memorandum listing conditions for a ceasefire.

According to Zelensky, the Ukrainian delegation in Istanbul had a mandate to negotiate humanitarian matters such as a ceasefire, prisoner exchanges, and the return of abducted children — but not the country’s sovereignty or territorial integrity.

“This is our own constitutional matter. It is my job to hold talks on territories — and (Russian President Vladimir) Putin’s, who seized them. I will not discuss my position on this with anyone else,” Zelensky said.

Russia’s so-called “peace memorandum” demands that Ukraine recognize Russia’s annexation of Crimea, as well as Kherson, Donetsk, Zaporizhzhia, and Luhansk oblasts — none of which are fully under Moscow’s control.

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The Kremlin also insists on Ukraine's complete military withdrawal from these regions. Zelensky reaffirmed Ukraine's refusal to concede any occupied territory.

"We have also said repeatedly that if we receive adequate security guarantees preventing Putin from continuing the war, then we will have time to decide on territorial issues. By diplomatic means, not with weapons," he said.

Other Russian demands include Ukrainian neutrality, ending foreign military assistance, recognizing Russian as an official language, granting amnesty for pro-Russian collaborators, and prohibiting foreign troops, contradicting EU-backed peacekeeping proposals.

Ukraine's counterproposal in Istanbul included an all-for-all prisoner swap, the return of Ukrainian children abducted by Russia, the release of all civilians held in captivity, and freedom to pursue EU and NATO membership.

Kyiv also proposed using frozen Russian assets for reconstruction and said it would consider lifting certain sanctions if a ceasefire is achieved.

While no ceasefire or political breakthrough was achieved, negotiations resulted in key humanitarian agreements, including commitments to exchange prisoners of war (POWs) and the bodies of fallen soldiers.

As Ukraine and the U.S. continue to push for an unconditional ceasefire, Russia has maintained maximalist demands and rejected all such proposals.

U.S. President Donald Trump has reportedly expressed frustration with Moscow's intransigence and growing violence but has yet to impose any new sanctions on Russia.

In one of largest attacks on Ukraine’s capital, Russian barrage hits Kyiv, Odesa, kills 3, injures 12

In the early hours of June 10, Kyiv and Odesa came under another mass Russian attack, involving ballistic missiles and drones.

The Kyiv IndependentOlena Goncharova

June 10, 2025 2:20pm

Ukraine Russia Photos

Reading Time: 3 minutes

Ben Borges

Western companies have paid at least 40 billion euros ($46 billion) in taxes to Russia over the past three years, according to an investigation by investigative outlet Follow the Money published on June 10.

This figure represents almost one-third of Russia’s defense budget for 2025.

Seventeen of the 20 largest foreign corporate taxpayers in Russia come from G7 and EU countries, Ukraine’s main international supporters, the investigative outlet wrote, citing an earlier report by the Kyiv School of Economics (KSE) and the B4Ukraine association.

Foreign firms still operating in Russia represent a crucial lifeline for Russia’s war chest amid Western sanctions and skyrocketing war expenditures.

Earlier reports by KSE said that only 472 of over 4,000 foreign companies have withdrawn from Russia after the outbreak of the full-scale war in Ukraine in 2022, while 1,360 have scaled down their operations.

Austrian bank Raiffeisen remains the largest European payer of corporate taxes in Russia, with 457 million euros ($522 million) paid only in 2023. In total, U.S. companies generated the greatest revenues for Russia, followed by German commercial entities.

Philip Morris tobacco company, PepsiCo, UniCredit Bank, Mars, and other Western business giants have also continued filling Russian coffers, even though Western governments have donated some $170 billion in military aid to Ukraine to face Russian aggression, according to the investigation.

The firms provided various explanations for their continued presence in Russia. Some argued that their products are essential for Russian consumers, while others cited concern for the safety of their employees, the outlet reported.

Follow the Money also noted that Russia makes it difficult for companies to exit its market, for example, by allowing them to sell their assets only at extremely low prices. Russia has also previously directly seized assets of some companies that had remained in the country.

Companies that have decided to leave the market reportedly had to pay over $170 billion in write-offs and exit taxes.

Russian President Vladimir Putin called for punitive action against Western companies still operating in Russia, saying they must be “strangled” in response to what he described as Western attempts to suffocate the Russian economy.

Despite the rhetoric, Russia continues to explore paths for re-engagement with foreign businesses. In February, Putin instructed his government to prepare for the eventual return of Western firms.

Still, no formal requests have been received from companies seeking re-entry, according to Dmitry Medvedev, deputy chairman of Russia’s Security Council and former president.

Key to Russia’s potential defeat lies in its economy

As the war in Ukraine grinds on, attention remains fixed on the battlefield. But Russia’s most vulnerable flank is not in the trenches — it’s in the treasury. The West, and especially the United States, holds economic levers that could push Vladimir Putin toward serious negotiations or even collapse

The Kyiv IndependentWojciech Jakóbik