Belarusian dictator Alexander Lukashenko has appointed Alexander Turchin as the country’s new prime minister, state-owned news agency Belta reported on March 10.

Turchin, who previously served as head of the Minsk regional executive committee, held key government positions, including chief of staff of the Council of Ministers in 2016 and first deputy prime minister in 2018-2019.

After his appointment, Turchin told reporters that Belarus would not see any “significant course correction,” adding that his approach would be one of “evolution without revolutions."

Turchin is replacing Roman Golovchenko, who has held the office of prime minister since June 2020 and was now appointed head of the National Bank. Lukashenko presented the personnel changes as the advent of a “new generation” in Belarusian leadership.

Lukashenko, in power since 1994 and widely regarded as Russian President Vladimir Putin’s close ally, has faced repeated accusations of election fraud.

His self-declared victory in the 2020 presidential election, widely denounced as illegitimate, triggered mass protests in Minsk that were brutally suppressed with Moscow’s backing.

Since then, over 8,000 people have been detained for political reasons, according to the Belarusian human rights group Viasna.

On Jan. 26, Lukashenko claimed a seventh term in office in another election widely condemned as neither free nor fair.

Though Belarus has not directly participated in Russia’s war against Ukraine, it has allowed the Kremlin to use its territory as a staging ground for military operations.

Russia’s arms exports plunge by 47% since full-scale invasion’s start, SIPRI reports

The decline is attributed to Russia prioritizing weapons production for its own military, the impact of Western sanctions, and increased pressure from the U.S. and its allies on countries purchasing Russian arms, the report said.

The Kyiv IndependentTim Zadorozhnyy

Thousands of protestors gathered on March 7 in more than 40 cities across Slovakia targeting the government of Prime Minister Robert Fico, Slovak media Aktuality reported.

In Bratislava’s Freedom Square, protesters chanted “shame” and called Fico a traitor, declaring that “Slovakia is Europe.”

Fico’s government has faced criticism for its perceived alignment with Russian interests, and his administration has repeatedly criticized Western aid to Ukraine.

Demonstrators accused Fico of distancing from the European Union, and for strengthening ties with Russian President Vladimir Putin.

“Robert Fico chose Putin, Slovakia chooses Europe,” the protest organizers said.

Protesters also condemned remarks by Fico’s chief advisor, Erik Kalinak, who recently suggested that Russia’s defeat of Ukraine would give Slovakia a “reliable neighbor.”

Numerous large-scale protests have occurred in Slovakia in the past few months following Fico’s remarks and visit in Dec. 2024 with Putin in Moscow. In Jan. 2025 hundreds of thousands of protestors took to the streets, chanting similar slogans including “Enough of Fico.”

As protests engulf Serbia, President Vucic looks for support East and West

Editor’s Note: Following a number of attacks against peaceful protestors in Serbia, the Kyiv Independent agreed to not publish the last names of people who gave comments for this story. BELGRADE, Serbia — Thousands of protestors walked 300 kilometers on March 1 from Belgrade to the southern city of…

The Kyiv IndependentCamilla Bell-Davies

Belarus and Russia ratified the Union State Security Pact, expanding the nuclear umbrella and military integration.

Belarusian dictator Aleksandr Lukashenko invites U.S President Donald Trump, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky, and Russian President Vladimir Putin to Minsk for peace talks.

Belarus criminalizes sharing information on military movements and expands in absentia prosecution of exiled opponents.

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Local media reported that a stray drone crashed into power lines in Belarus, causing outages in Mazyr.

Belarus hits record low in the Freedom House report, ranking 192-194 out of 207 globally.

Belarus, Russia ratify Union State security pact, providing for nuclear umbrella, military bases

Russian President Vladimir Putin and his Belarusian counterpart Alexander Lukashenko have concluded the ratification of the Union State security guarantees, expanding Russia’s nuclear umbrella over Belarus and deepening the military integration of the two countries.

The Union State security pact was signed on Dec. 6, stipulating that Russian nuclear weapons can be used against an aggressor state — even ones that don’t have nuclear weapons themselves.

Putin signed the law ratifying the agreement on Feb. 28, after speedy consideration in Russia’s State Duma in February. Belarus’s Lukashenko signed the ratification law on March 4, his press office reported. The pact will enter into force after the sides exchange ratification documents.

The security pact signing comes on the same day the Russian parliament ratified another agreement postponing Belarus’s repayment of about $800 million in Russian state loans. Opposition politician Pavel Latushka, formerly an official in the Belarusian foreign ministry, linked the two ratifications.

“Lukashenko got himself into debt with Russia, and now he’s paying with the country’s national sovereignty,” Latushka said.

Beyond expanding the Russian “nuclear umbrella” to cover Belarus, Article 5 of the agreement provides for the establishment of Russian military bases and stationing of Russian troops on the territory of Belarus “to prevent and repel acts of aggression.”

However, the implementation of this provision would require a separate agreement between Minsk and Moscow. Russia has been pushing to establish an air base in Belarus since 2015.

The treaty also obliges the parties to “support” each other in the event of a threat to their constitutional orders — allowing each to potentially intervene to suppress public protests in either of the two countries.

The Union State security agreement lasts for ten years and is automatically extended, unless one of the parties declares its intention to withdraw six months in advance.

According to NATO estimates, Belarus hosted up to 30,000 Russian troops in the buildup to the Russian attack on Kyiv in February-March 2022, in the pretense that they were taking part in the “Union Determination-2022” military drills. Following Russian forces’ withdrawal from the northern front, the number of Russian troops in Belarus gradually fell, with just about 2,000 soldiers now being left, according to the Belarusian Hajun monitoring project.

In September 2025, Belarus is to host up to 13,000 troops for the Zapad-2025 (West-2025) exercises. The Russian-Belarusian plans to hold the exercises have sparked concern among Ukrainian officials.

Ukrainian troops’ logistics in Kursk Oblast destroyed, they face risk of encirclement, sources say

A Ukrainian soldier fighting in Kursk Oblast described the situation in the Russian region as “critical,” warning that Ukrainian troops in the region face the threat of encirclement. He added that Ukrainian soldiers based in the region would like to withdraw.

The Kyiv IndependentKateryna Denisova

Lukashenko claims readiness to host Trump, Zelensky, Putin for talks in Minsk

Minsk is prepared to host the leaders of the United States, Ukraine, and Russia for talks on ending Russia’s war against Ukraine, Lukashenko, a staunch Moscow ally, said in an interview on March 4.

Lukashenko’s remarks came shortly after the United States imposed an immediate freeze on military aid to Ukraine, in a move the White House claimed was meant to pressure Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky into entering peace negotiations.

In an interview with U.S. Internet media personality Mario Nawfal, Lukashenko reiterated his praise for U.S. President Donald Trump, and said he was willing to help achieve his goal of brokering peace between Kyiv and Moscow.

“It’s only 200 kilometers from the Belarusian border to Kyiv – half an hour by plane,” Lukashenko told Nawfal.

"You are welcome to come. We will sit down here. We’ll come to an agreement quietly, without noise, without shouting. So tell Trump: I’m waiting for him here, along with (Russian President Vladimir) Putin and Zelensky. We’ll sit down and calmly negotiate. If you want to make a deal.”

The Kremlin has already backed the proposal. “This issue has not been raised or discussed in any way. But, of course, Minsk is the best place for us. It is our main ally, so it is the best place for negotiations,” Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov said.

In the early days of Russia’s all-out invasion, negotiations between Ukraine and Russia were held in Belarus but were later moved to Istanbul.

Minsk has repeatedly attempted to get a seat at the negotiating table, at the same time requiring “security guarantees” for itself.

Ukrainian Foreign Ministry spokesman Heorhiy Tykhyi said, “Belarusian officials have the right to claim a fair hearing in the process of bringing the aggressor and his accomplices to international legal responsibility for the crime of aggression against Ukraine.”

Belarus previously hosted talks between Ukraine, Russia, and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) in 2014 and 2015, which led to the signing of the Minsk Agreements.

The agreements were meant to stop Russia’s war in eastern Ukraine, but both of the documents were ultimately violated by Russia. Two days before launching the full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, Putin declared that the Minsk Agreements “no longer existed.”

Lukashenko has been trying to make himself noticed by Trump, rushing to congratulate him on winning the U.S. presidential elections even before the results were confirmed, and promising to nominate President Trump for the Nobel Peace Prize. Following the failure of the rare earth metals deal with Ukraine on Feb. 28, Lukashenko ordered his ministers to look into the issue of mining rare earth metals in Belarus.

Trump’s increasing support for Russia leaves Zelensky with fewer options to secure U.S. backing

As Washington continues to pressure Kyiv intro submission, President Volodymyr Zelensky stands at a painful crossroads — agree to U.S. demands or chart a course without Washington, pinning Ukraine’s hopes for survival on Europe alone. Neither option seems reassuring for Ukraine. U.S. President Don…

The Kyiv IndependentOleg Sukhov

Belarus criminalizes spreading information on movement of military units, broadens grounds for repression of exiled opposition

Updates to the criminal code in Belarus have introduced prison sentences of up to three years for the “unauthorized sharing of information” about the deployment of military units and their movement within the country, Human Rights watchdog Viasna reported on Feb. 28.

The changes to the code also broaden the category of offenses that can be subject to in absentia prosecution.

Since Russia unleashed its all-out invasion of Ukraine, Belarusians have been reporting the movement of Russian troops, and sharing footage and information on Russian troop locations with independent media and open-source intelligence projects. Ninety-three Belarusians have been sentenced on “extremism” charges for doing so.

The updated criminal code, which entered into effect on March 2, essentially outlaws sharing any form of content featuring the military in Belarus during wartime, emergencies, or counter-terrorist operations — unless the authorities have already shared such information.

Violations are punishable by up to three years of imprisonment, or six years, if premeditated and committed by a group, and causing significant damage, the amended code reads.

The updated criminal code also introduces the new status of “a president who ceased to fulfill his duties” and criminalizes violence, threats, and libel against him. According to the current constitution, the incumbent, Alexander Lukashenko, can be “re-elected” once more and rule until 2035.

Although there are no apparent signs of an impending transition of power, the Belarusian authorities have established an extra-governmental body — the All-Belarus People’s Assembly, which is headed by Lukashenko — to which the dictator could “retire” after leaving the presidency, while still wielding considerable influence.

Drone crashes into high-voltage power lines in Belarus, causing local blackout

A stray Russian attack drone crashed into high-voltage power grid lines at a thermal power plant on Feb. 27, causing the most significant damage by a drone in Belarus so far, Flagshtok, a local news outlet in the Homiel region, has reported.

Russian drone incursions into the Belarusian airspace have risen sharply since July 2024. At least 395 drones were recorded flying over the country in the second half of the year, and this year 94 were spotted in January alone. The Belarusian authorities don’t comment on the incidents, and never publicly objected to them with their ally – Moscow.

On the morning of Feb. 27, residents of Mazyr, Homiel Oblast, about 45 kilometers from the border with Ukraine, were cut off from heating and hot water supplies. Local state energy company Homielenergo attributed the problem to a breakdown in the rather old heat supply system, without elaborating on the cause. Heating and hot water supplies were restored after a full day of repair work.

According to Flagshtok’s sources, the drone crashed into the high-voltage lines of a thermal power plant, triggering its automatic protection system, which led to a full shutdown of the plant, which is located south of the Mazyr Oil Refinery — a strategic object reportedly protected by Belarusian air defenses. Restarting the plant caused a fault in the piping system.

On the same night, another drone crashed and set fire to a farm building in Ziabrauka, a village next to a military airfield in the Homiel Oblast. Residents reported the sound of gunfire and a blast at around 4 a.m.

Belarus given its lowest ever ranking in Freedom in the World report

Belarus ranked 192-194th out of 207 countries and territories worldwide on the level of political and civil liberties, according to global human rights watchdog Freedom House’s Freedom in the World report, which was published on Feb. 26.

The Freedom in the World report, first published in 1973, tracks the condition of political rights and civil liberties around the globe. According to its authors, global freedom declined in 2024 for the 19th consecutive year, and Belarus received some of the “worst aggregate scores” for political rights and civil liberties.

The country scored just seven points out of 100, sharing its position with Azerbaijan and Myanmar.

The report also notes Minsk’s role in the indoctrination of Ukrainian children forcibly deported from the occupied territories. According to the recent estimates by Belarusian opposition People’s Anti-Crisis Management initiative, up to 3,500 Ukrainian children from Russia-occupied Ukrainian territories were transported to Belarus.

Belarus is also one of the most repressive countries for lawyers. Over the past four years, up to 27% of Belarusian lawyers were disbarred or lost their licenses after representing political prisoners in courts, U.S. government-funded broadcaster RFE/RL reported, citing the International Observatory of Lawyers.

Editor’s Note: Following a number of attacks against peaceful protestors in Serbia, the Kyiv Independent agreed to not publish the last names of people who gave comments for this story.

BELGRADE, Serbia — Thousands of protestors walked 300 kilometers on March 1 from Belgrade to the southern city of Nis to rally support for an anti-corruption protest that took aim at the ruling party.

Serbia’s Russia-friendly President Aleksandar Vucic has often used a Kremlin playbook to discredit the protests that occasionally rise in a country balancing between Russia and the West.

Such a balancing act has been increasingly difficult to maintain.

Nis, the country’s third largest city home to 250,000, has long been President Vucic’s core voting stronghold along other cities and towns further away from the capital. Yet, residents who greeted the arriving protesters said they were tired of their ruling party and wanted to listen to what young people have to say.

The Serbian protests began in November after a train station roof in the town of Novi Sad collapsed, killing 15 people. This roof had been hastily reconstructed in 2024 with Chinese and state funds and a procurement procedure widely viewed as corrupt. Students took to the streets, demanding accountability and justice for the victims.

They used a bloody hand symbol to highlight how corruption in Serbia cost lives. Vucic had been actively blaming the upheaval on the West, saying that foreign forces have been attempting to spark a “Ukrainian-style revolution in Serbia."

The protestors, however, aren’t pro-Ukrainian or anti-Russian, and are united primarily by their opposition to the current government rather than broader ideological takes.

Protests in Serbia have gone on for over 100 days in 60 different settlements. Students, farmers and businesses continue to strike in support. Universities, some of which are now closed, are used as base-camps for democratic decision-making among the students.

Alexander, a student who took part in daily marches, said the protesters remain hopeful. "We really feel like we can change something this time," he said.

The movement follows a pattern. Students announce a mass rally in a Serbian city, then walk to that location for days. Along the way they talk to locals to gather support for the movement.

A taxi driver in Nis on March 1 said his views had changed since seeing the protestors in the flesh, rather than on state TV where they are routinely denigrated.

"In the Balkans, children are always taught to listen to their elders. But now we are listening to them. They are teaching us to stand up for our rights," he said.

Regardless of Trump’s Ukraine peace deal, war with West is ‘foundational to Putin’s rule,’ experts say

With every day of the new White House administration that passes, the chances of Russia being brought in from the cold on the international stage after its full-scale invasion of Ukraine appear to be increasing. U.S. President Donald Trump’s ongoing Kremlin charm campaign has seen Ukraine and Europ…

The Kyiv IndependentKollen Post

Serbia's changing image

The pro-democracy movement is changing Serbia's image. Protesters seek respect for the rule of law, a free press and, fair elections, and an end to widespread corruption.

So far, the protests have prompted Vucic to publicly oust Prime Minister Milos Vucevic and Transport Minister Darko Glisic, both of whom remain in their place as they await a vote in parliament.

Arrests of several company heads and policemen in what Vucic has called a "fierce fight against corruption" had also taken place.

Protestors, however, show a deep skepticism towards Vucic's proposed anti-corruption measures which are widely seen to be a last ditch attempt to cling to power.

Students interviewed by the Kyiv Independent expressed deep frustration with the ruling Serbian Progressive Party (SNS), blaming it for the country's lack of media freedom, rigged elections, and neglect of public services and civil liberties.

Andjela, 22, a student protestor, said, "The whole ruling party should resign. They've shown they are unfit to run the country. We haven't had free elections in my lifetime. It's unsafe here, incomes are low, prices are high, and criminals go unpunished, including the thugs who beat up students."

The latest election, in 2023, was seen as being widely rigged, with 50,000 voters from the Republika Srpska, a ethnic Serbian enclave of Bosnia, were bussed to Belgrade to sway the vote.

Mass protests followed, but they led to no change.

A year later, a new protest movement was built on years of unresolved discontent.

In the aftermath of the Kosovo War of 1999, a mass student-led movement called OTPOR brought down the country's autocrat, Slobodan Milosevic.

Srecko Mihailović, a veteran protester of the OTPOR movement, said that he's been on marches for 30 years and hopes he won't be doing it to the grave. "We've had the same president for 10 years, this is not normal," he said.

"But we need to show that Serbia isn't Vucic."

The Czech weapons giant replacing the Kalashnikov in Ukraine’s army

The Russian-made Kalashnikov still prevails as the main small arm in Ukraine’s military. A Czech weapons giant is setting up shop in Ukraine’s factories to change that. The Prague-domiciled conglomerate, Colt CZ, has set up assembly of its Bren 2 assault rifles inside Ukraine under the name “Sich”

The Kyiv IndependentKollen Post

Autocrats playbook

Vucic's response to the protests has been chaotic.

The president claimed, without evidence, that outside forces are behind the protests and has accused the West of trying to incite a revolution. At the same time, Vucic had told EU leaders that "Putinists" are trying to stir up trouble to deepen the country's ties with Russia.

On Jan. 20, Serbian police detained 14 foreign nationals at an NGO summit in Belgrade.

Such tactics have been used by the ruling party since 2012. State tabloids bully critics of the government, illegally publish their personal data online, and incite violence against those who oppose the government.

Authorities have also been linked to hooligan groups that stir up trouble during protests to justify police action. A similar tactic was used during the 2013-14 EuroMaidan Revolution in Ukraine, when the pro-Kremlin government employed thugs to fight with protesters, coining the term Titushky.

Andjela, who took part in protests, noted that this year's protesters are alert for provocateurs.

A protester was beaten up, while other students were rammed with cars and hospitalized, she said.

"We are careful in case it escalates and more of our students end up in the hospital," Andjela added.

A delicate balance

At present, there doesn't seem to be a solution to the political crisis.

Student protesters know their government's playbook well, so they tread carefully. They appeal to patriotism and wave only Serbian flags to avoid appearing influenced by outsiders.

So far, the careful approach has united support across societal sectors, including the rural population, who were once Vucic's core base. Farmers brought tractors to protect students, blocking key Belgrade bridges.

The rallies have also gained international support from students in the U.S., Austria, Croatia, and vocal celebrity support from tennis superstar Novak Djokovic and Madonna.

The countrywide solidarity has reduced citizens' fears of government-sponsored attacks, threats to family members, and job losses, which previously weakened protests in 2012, 2020, and 2023.

Boris, an engineering student taking part in protests, said, "This time we don't fear the government. They should fear us."

The question remains what would follow were the government to call a snap election to ease the crisis.

Boris said that he would like to see an interim government of "democracy experts and professionals" in place who could create the conditions for fair, free elections.

At present, students do not have a plan to back a political candidate. They have distanced themselves from opposition parties as they view them as part of the system they are up against.

Up until now, the official opposition had been fragmented and cautious.

Opposition party members "have nothing to do with the organization" and support the protests "as civilians only," said lawmaker Borko Stefanovic, deputy president of the Party of Freedom and Justice. "The regime could misuse this, saying the opposition is behind the protests. But the students lead."

On March 4, some unconventional action was taken in parliament. Lawmaker Radomir Lazovic of the Green-Left front voiced support for the protestors and launched fireworks in the Serbian parliament, which hospitalized three people.

A brawl ensued between opposition and ruling party members.

"A clear message was sent that we do not accept the institutional violence of the Serbian Progressive Party, which has been carried out for years. The only agenda item at the Serbian parliament sitting can be the fulfillment of students' demands," Lazovic said.

Yet, a new election might not be the solution the protestors are hoping for.

"No elections would work under current conditions and without a free press. Vucic would steal and rig another election," Stefanovic said.

Trump’s alignment with Russia derails Europe’s push for a peacekeeping force in Ukraine

European countries have intensified talks on sending peacekeepers to Ukraine to monitor and enforce a possible ceasefire. But the potential deployment of European peacekeepers to Ukraine faces a lot of challenges and uncertainties. There is no unity among European countries on the issue, with some…

The Kyiv IndependentOleg Sukhov

Euroscepticism

The countrywide support for change in Serbia, however, doesn't mean those on the street agree on policy and their country's alignment.

Though EU leaders expressed admiration and support, the absence of EU flags in the crowd is deliberate. Potestors see their cause as a local concern they must deal with within-country.

An IPSOS poll in December 2024 revealed that only 46% of Serbs would support EU membership in a referendum.

Many protesters feel the EU and U.S. leaders have emboldened Vucic following years of hostilities in the region. Many also dislike the West for their handling of the Yugoslav Wars in the 1990s.

The EU has worked with Vucic on ammunition exports, with $800 million in Serbian ammunition ending up in Ukraine through Western intermediaries. In July 2024, the Serbian government granted the EU access to its large lithium reserves. This also sparked thousands of Serbs to come out in protest, citing environmental concerns.

Vucic has also gained favor with U.S. President Donald Trump by allowing his son-in-law, Jared Kushner, to build a hotel in central Belgrade on top of a war memorial.

Residents of Belgrade viewed the proposal with hostility.

Emotional and economic ties to Russia

Anti-Western sentiments have long united Serbia with Russia, even though the Serbian population continues to migrate west for education and work. This connection dates back to the 19th century when the Russian Empire helped secure Serbia's independence from the Ottoman Empire. It was also bolstered by a common religion and church ties.

Today, the bond is fuelled by anger over NATO's 1999 bombing of Belgrade to end President Milosevic's war against Kosovo. Serbia, backed by Russia, still claims Kosovo, which declared independence in 2008.

Serbia maintains a broad conservative, Orthodox streak with strong anti-LGBTQ+ views. Many Serbs see Western nations as too "liberal." In contrast, many who came of age during the 1990s view Russian President Vladimir Putin as "a strong leader" pushing back against the West.

A 2023 poll by the Henry Jackson Society showed that over 61% of Serbs reported no change in their positive views on Russia since the start of the all-out war in Ukraine, and 21.7% said their support for Russia has increased.

Pro-Russian displays are common in Belgrade.

Z t-shirts and Putin mugs are sold in central markets. Serbian and Russian flags and "Zajedno (together)" signs are widespread. Since 2022, mercenaries from far-right groups have been traveling to Russia to fight against Ukraine.

Since the Russian invasion of Ukraine, Serbia has welcomed up to 300,000 Russians fleeing the war.

When these Russians share anti-Putin views, it can prompt strong reactions from the locals. Nino, who owns a cigar lounge in Belgrade, said, "God has given us the gift of these liberal Russians. We'll show them the true path and send them back home, more Russian than ever!"

But attitudes in the capital, Belgrade, have shifted as an influx of wealthy Russian IT-workers has slowly undermined the imagined 'Slavic Orthodox brotherhood." Many Belgraders now resent recent Russian immigrants for not integrating, driving up housing prices and gentrifying the city with expensive shops and restaurants packed by foreigners.

Students protesting in the streets say neither the EU nor Russia will do anything to help them. While many still express emotional ties to Russian culture, they say they do not wish to live in a Putin-style political system.

Why doesn’t NATO open its doors to Ukraine?

NATO membership for Ukraine is becoming increasingly elusive. The previous U.S. administration silently opposed extending a NATO invitation to Ukraine. The current U.S. administration has made its opposition public. “You can forget about (NATO membership). That’s probably the reason the whole thin…

The Kyiv IndependentKateryna Hodunova

Relatives of Ukrainian prisoners of war (POWs) and missing persons held a peaceful rally outside of the U.S. Embassy in Kyiv on March 6, urging Washington to help secure the release of all Ukrainian soldiers and civilians held in Russian captivity.

The protest comes as U.S. President Donald Trump pushes for a swift peace deal with Russia that foresees concessions from Kyiv, but not the aggressor state that invaded Ukraine in 2014 and escalated the war in 2022, killing tens of thousands of civilians.

Protesters demanded an “all-for-all” prisoner exchange before any peace deal with Russia is signed, Ukrainian media outlet Suspilne reported.

Russia and Ukraine have conducted multiple swaps throughout the full-scale war, most recently on Feb. 5, when Ukraine secured the return of 150 POWs.

Kyiv has pushed for an all-for-all prisoner exchange since 2024, but Moscow has refused the proposal.

Ukraine does not disclose the exact number of its soldiers held in Russian captivity. According to Ombudsman Dmytro Lubinets, Moscow holds over 16,000 Ukrainian civilians.

Additionally, Russia has forcibly deported more than 19,500 Ukrainian children to Russia, Belarus, or occupied territories.

Earlier on March 5, the day of Trump’s address to Congress, a pro-Ukrainian rally was held in Washington near the Capitol.

According to Euronews, the demostrators in Washington protested against Trump’s recent statements on Ukraine and his decision to suspend military aid to Kyiv.

The protests come amid escalating tensions between Washington and Kyiv following the contentious Feb. 28 Oval Office meeting between Trump and President Volodymyr Zelensky.

The talks, originally intended to finalize a U.S.-Ukraine mineral deal, ended in a public dispute, leading to the cancellation of the agreement.

Since then,  Trump has cut U.S. military aid and intelligence sharing with Kyiv, while some U.S. officials and Republican lawmakers have intensified criticism of Zelensky, with some suggesting he should resign.

Trump admin plans to revoke legal status of 240,000 Ukrainian refugees, Reuters reports

The plan predates U.S. President Donald Trump’s public spat with President Volodymyr Zelensky on Feb. 28 and is part of broader efforts to revoke the legal status of more than 1.8 million people staying in the U.S. on humanitarian grounds, Reuters reported.

The Kyiv IndependentMartin Fornusek

For decades, if not more, English speakers the world over referred to Ukraine’s capital as Kiev, pronouncing it kee-yev.

Few people knew they were using the Russian name for the city. The city is pronounced keeiv in Ukrainian and is transliterated correctly into English as Kyiv.

In fact, until recently, the names of almost all Ukrainian places and people were transliterated according to their Russian versions.

After gaining independence in 1991, Ukrainians lobbied the international community to adopt native transliterations when speaking and writing about Ukrainian cities.

Their efforts were largely ignored for several decades as Ukraine struggled to shake its reputation as a former part of Russia. The needle began to move slightly in 2014 when Russia invaded Ukraine’s east and annexed Crimea.

With the outset of the full-scale invasion in 2022, the world seemed to get the message. Most major news outlets, academic publications, and government bodies now refer to Ukrainian place names by their Ukrainian transliterations. There are still some hold-outs, however, most notably among media outlets that often parrot Kremlin narratives.  

The Russian spelling and pronunciation of Kyiv throughout the ages was no accident. While the name gets its origin from an empire that predates Russia, a series of policies by the Russian Empire and the Soviet Union that sought to Russify Ukraine and the Ukrainian language distorted its roots.

Where does the name Kyiv come from?

Kyiv, located on the Dnipro River, was officially founded in 482 A.D., although archeological evidence suggests there has been a settlement on the site for about 2,000 years.

Various theories about its founding exist — with the founders being said to be Goths, Huns, and Turks, among others — but the most popular legend credits four royal siblings of an Eastern Slavic tribe with establishing the city in the 5th century.

Kyiv is thus said to be named after the eldest sibling, Kyi, similar to how the mythical Romulus inspired the name Rome.

In the 9th century, Kyiv became the capital and cultural center of Kyivan Rus, a medieval state spanning eastern and northern Europe, from which modern Ukraine, Russia, and Belarus all trace their origins.

During the “Golden Age” of Kyivan Rus, Kyiv emerged as a political, cultural, and religious center, with landmarks like Saint Sophia’s Cathedral and the Pechersk Lavra monastery complex reflecting its importance and prosperity.

Moscow, founded at the tail end of Kyivan rule in 1147 A.D., is more than 600 years younger than Kyiv. Over the eight centuries that followed the breakup of Kyivan Rus, Kyiv was controlled by the Mongols, the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, the Kingdom of Poland, the Russian Empire, and lastly the Soviet Union before becoming the capital of independent Ukraine.

Both the Russian Empire and the Soviet Union drew their national identity from the legacy of Kyivan Rus. Authors of Russian history and the Russian state, including President Vladimir Putin, have envisioned their control over the city as a prerequisite for reuniting a long-lost empire.

This imperial preoccupation also underpins current Russian narratives; in Putin’s view, Kyiv is the mother city of a great Slavic kingdom that is destined to be reunified.

Why ‘Kiev’?

Under the Russian Empire and Soviet Union, Russian cities, including Saint Petersburg and Moscow, dictated official language policies.

In Soviet times, Moscow required all 15 member republics of the Soviet Union to adopt Russian as their official language. The result was that over the last century, Westerners came to know Ukrainian cities by their official Russian-language transliterations: Kiev as opposed to Kyiv, Kharkov as opposed to Kharkiv, Lvov as opposed to Lviv, and Odessa as opposed to Odesa.

This lack of international awareness and recognition of the languages and cultures of individual Soviet member states meant “Russian” became a commonplace blanket term for all things Soviet.

This legacy carried on past the 1991 collapse of the Soviet Union. Many foreign governments and media outlets continued to refer to Ukrainian cities by their Russian transliterations, bolstered by and contributing to the widespread stereotypes that “everyone in Ukraine speaks Russian” and the factually incorrect “Ukraine is a former part of Russia.”  

After the 2014 EuroMaidan revolution and Russia’s annexation of Ukraine’s Crimea and invasion of Donbas, more institutions in the West began acknowledging Ukraine’s political and linguistic sovereignty.

By 2019, many diplomatic missions and English-language news outlets had switched to using Ukrainian spellings of Ukrainian proper names out of respect for the country.

Social media has also played a pivotal role in encouraging foreigners to switch to using Ukrainian names.

Ukraine’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs launched the #ReformUA campaign in the late 2010s, with hashtags such as #KyivNotKiev, #LvivNotLvov, and #KharkivNotKharkov. The effort also discouraged referring to Ukraine as “the Ukraine” — which insinuates that it is a region in a larger nation, rather than an individual state in its own right.

Russia’s full-scale invasion in 2022 brought global attention to Ukraine and its capital city, prompting widespread adoption of “Ukrainian” spellings — or rather, since Ukrainian uses a Cyrillic alphabet, Latin alphabet transliterations that better reflect the Ukrainian pronunciation of names.

The origins of ‘Slava Ukraini’

In early March 2023, a video surfaced online showing the execution of a Ukrainian prisoner of war. The unarmed soldier’s last words were “Slava Ukraini” – a Ukrainian national salute that means “Glory to Ukraine” – before he was shot multiple times and collapsed to his death. Ukrainian officials…

The Kyiv IndependentKate Tsurkan

In a move reminiscent of tactics employed by authoritative figures to consolidate power, President Donald Trump’s recent establishment of a U.S. Crypto Strategic Reserve raises significant concerns. This initiative, ostensibly designed to bolster the nation’s financial standing, mirrors strategies where leaders offer superficial concessions to placate followers, only to destroy their livelihood with the other hand, thereby tightening their grip on authority.

On March 2, 2025, President Trump announced the inclusion of five digital assets—Bitcoin, Ether, XRP, Solana (SOL), and Cardano (ADA)—into the newly formed U.S. Crypto Strategic Reserve. This declaration led to immediate surges in the market values of these cryptocurrencies, with Bitcoin rising by approximately 8% to $90,828, and Ether increasing by 8.3% to $2,409.

While this move appears to support the burgeoning cryptocurrency industry, it is essential to scrutinize the broader context. Concurrently, the administration has endorsed aggressive measures under the Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE), led by Elon Musk, aiming to slash federal spending. These cuts have resulted in mass layoffs and the dismantling of several federal agencies, actions that have sparked public outrage and protests across the country.

The juxtaposition of promoting a crypto reserve while enacting severe budgetary cuts is striking. This dual approach can be likened to the manipulative techniques of cult leaders who provide followers with perceived benefits to gain trust and compliance, only to withdraw support to reinforce dependence and control. By offering the allure of a national cryptocurrency reserve, the administration may be seeking to distract from or justify the detrimental impacts of its austerity measures.

The backlash from these policies has been palpable. Republican lawmakers have faced intense criticism during town hall meetings, with constituents expressing anger over the abrupt layoffs and the overarching influence of Musk in governmental affairs. Some GOP members have even advised the administration to adopt a more compassionate approach, acknowledging the growing public discontent.

Moreover, the administration’s actions have raised alarms about the erosion of democratic principles. The unilateral decisions to restructure or eliminate federal agencies without adequate legislative oversight or public discourse undermine the foundational checks and balances of governance. Such maneuvers echo the coercive strategies of authoritative regimes, where power is consolidated through a combination of appeasement and suppression.

In analyzing the administration’s recent initiatives, it becomes evident that the establishment of the Crypto Strategic Reserve serves as a double-edged sword. While it ostensibly supports innovation and economic growth, it also functions as a tool to placate dissent and divert attention from policies that may harm the public interest. This pattern of offering with one hand while taking away with the other is a classic tactic to maintain control and suppress opposition.

As citizens and policymakers, it is crucial to remain vigilant and critically assess such strategies. Championing technological advancement should not come at the expense of transparency, accountability, and the well-being of the populace. Recognizing and challenging these manipulative tactics is essential to preserving the integrity of our democratic institutions and ensuring that progress benefits all members of society.

For a in depth analysis on this now legal scam read the serie of posts from Nathan Tankus on

A Scam Built Atop an Accounting Gimmick Wrapped in Bullshit: Why Visiting Fort Knox Is Not About Selling Gold but is About Buying Bitcoin

Russian President Vladimir Putin congratulated Badra Gunba on winning the presidential “election” in the Russian-occupied Georgian region of Abkhazia in a statement released by the Kremlin’s press service on March 2.

“I expect that the friendly, allied Russian-Abkhazian relations will continue to strengthen for the benefit of our brotherly nations,” Putin’s message goes on to read.

Abkhazia, an occupied region internationally recognized as part of  Georgia, has been under de facto Russian control since the 2008 war between Russia and Georgia.

Aslan Bzhania, the former leader of Abkhazia, submitted his resignation on Nov. 19 in a bid to quell mounting unrest over a proposed investment deal with Russia. The agreement, which would allow Russian citizens to purchase property in Abkhazia, fueled fears of deeper Russian entrenchment in the territory and was subsequently scrapped.

Gunba, the winner of the presidential “election,” is considered to be a pro-Kremlin politician.

Freedom House, a U.S.-based NGO advocating for democracy and political freedom, said that Abkhazia’s legal framework “does not support fully democratic elections,” but noted that “incumbent officials remain vulnerable to defeat at the polls."

Despite popular uprising, Kremlin’s grip on occupied Abkhazia runs supreme

When local council members gathered in the breakaway Georgian region of Abkhazia last week to discuss new measures promoting Russian investment, a group of protestors rose to meet them. The proposed legislation, which would have legalized Russian investment and land ownership in the occupied region…

The Kyiv IndependentKatie Marie Davies

Several European politicians that are considered pro-Russian expressed their approval for the U.S. President Donald Trump after he clashed in a heated argument with President Volodymyr Zelensky in the Oval Office.

Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban thanked Trump in his post on X.

“Today President Trump stood bravely for peace. Even if it was difficult for many to digest,” Orban said.

Orban, widely seen as the EU’s most pro-Russian leader, has consistently opposed military aid for Ukraine and maintained close ties with Russian President Vladimir Putin.

Georgian Prime Minister Irakli Kobakhidze wished Trump “endurance and courage in this difficult struggle” on Facebook on March 1.

Zelensky, Trump get into heated argument while speaking with journalists in Oval Office

President Volodymyr Zelensky and U.S. President Donald Trump held a 45-minute-long press briefing in the Oval Office that ended in a heated argument about American aid to Ukraine.

The Kyiv IndependentOleksiy Sorokin

“President Trump and his peace efforts were condemned one after another by the people responsible for unleashing a bloody war and the cold-blooded killing of Ukraine and thousands of Ukrainians,” his statement said.

Kobakhidze sparked a political crisis by announcing the suspension of Georgia’s EU accession process until at least 2028 after the elections last October. Protests erupted in Tbilisi against the ruling Georgian Dream party, accused of democratic backsliding and dragging Georgia into the Kremlin’s orbit.

Tino Chrupalla, one of the leaders of the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) party, said on X that peace in Ukraine should be achieved even without Zelensky’s participation.

“President Trump is cancelling talks with President Zelensky because he is not ready for peace. Peace must still be achieved, even without the beggarly President Zelensky,” Chrupalla wrote.

“Since the EU and Germany cannot act as mediators, the US and Russia must come to an agreement,” he added

Earlier, AfD showed support for Russian politics and has been mired in scandal after reports of its affiliations with neo-Nazi groups.

The statements come as many democratic European leaders expressed their support for Zelensky, who has reportedly landed in London for a summit of European leaders on March 2.

Editorial: A president just disrespected America in the Oval Office. It wasn’t Zelensky

It’s time to say it plainly. America’s leadership has switched sides in the war. The American people have not, and they should speak up. In the past several weeks, the U.S. leadership has demonstrated explicit hostility towards Ukraine and aligned its rhetoric and policy with Russia. The

The Kyiv IndependentThe Kyiv Independent

Thousands of people rallied in support of Ukraine on Feb. 23 ahead of the third anniversary of Russia’s full-scale invasion which began on Feb. 24, 2022.

Rallies were held across Europe on Sunday, with thousands of demonstrators lining the streets of Prague, Paris, and Brussels.

Czech President Petr Pavel addressed rally-goers in Prague, emphasizing his country’s support for Ukraine.

“From what happened, I think it is quite clear who is the aggressor, who violated international law, and who is the victim, whose side we should stand on,” Pavel said. “And if we allow (international law) to be compromised, if we reward the aggressor, then sooner or later it will affect us too."

Thousands also took to the streets of Brussels' and Paris' city center to mark the third anniversary. In Paris, participants unfurled a 262-meter flag in an effort to mark solidarity with Ukrainians.

Amid the start of the fourth year to Russia’s full-scale war, European allies have grown increasingly concerned over Kyiv’s role in upcoming peace talks between Russia and the United States to end the war.

European leaders have scrambled to deliver military support to Ukraine as the U.S., under the Trump administration, races to make a deal with Moscow.

Trump has said he wants Europe to play a greater role in supporting Ukraine’s financial and defense needs, but his administration has sent mixed signals as to whether Europeans are welcome in the negotiations process.

Thousands of Ukrainian Canadians also attended a protest against Russian aggression in Toronto, Canada, in a rally attended by the Kyiv Independent.

Chrystia Freeland, Canada’s former Finance Minister, who is running to replace outgoing Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, attended the rally and touted the country’s support for Ukraine.

“In this fight, we are on the side of democracy versus dictatorship,” Freeland, who is of Ukrainian descent, said during the rally. “We are on the side of rule and order, and not bullies."

Canadian Foreign Minister Melanie Joly said on Feb. 18 that Canada is interested in partaking in conversations about security guarantees for Ukraine.

EU preparing military aid package for Kyiv worth $20.9 billion, Bloomberg reports

The additional military support would supply Kyiv with air defense systems, artillery ammunition, long-range missiles, and drones.

The Kyiv IndependentAbbey Fenbert

Kiril Demchenko has lived in Hungary for four years, so he knows how a country changes when its authorities flirt with the Kremlin, as Hungary’s prime minister Viktor Orban has done.

Kiril says after the start of the full-scale invasion, Hungarians began to treat Ukrainians badly, especially older people who see Russia as an ally, not an aggressor.

“I saw a situation where a man in his 50s heard a girl speaking Ukrainian in a store and hit her – just because she was Ukrainian,” he told The Counteroffensive.

Could Germany be set to turn against Ukraine too?

The country will elect a new parliament on Sunday Feb. 23, and polling suggests the pro-Russian, far-right AfD party could gain record support.

Elections in Germany could change the balance of power in Europe by determining the direction of the continent's politics. If the pro-Russian far-right AfD gains significant support, it will threaten EU unity, weaken support for Ukraine, and open up more opportunities for Kremlin influence.

Germany risks repeating the path of Hungary, which has already become a pro-Russian center in the EU, which could change the fate of Ukraine and the future of European security.

Kiril is 25 years old and from the Dnipro region in Eastern Ukraine. In 2021, he and his friends decided to move abroad for a better life. At first, they considered Poland, but felt that finding a job there would be too challenging, due to the many Ukrainians who had already done the same.

He finally decided on Hungary, with which Ukraine has a visa-free regime, because his friend's sister had moved there six months earlier. Kirill lives near Budapest, the Hungarian capital, in Balassagyarmat town, and has found a job. But Hungary is not the country of his dreams.

"I thought I was going to Europe, that there would be progress, that everything would be good, but when I arrived, I felt that there was such stagnation, that people were living in some kind of past... There were old houses everywhere, and I had to go to Budapest to buy food [the city where he lives does not have a wide selection of goods]," Kiril said.

Under Viktor Orban's leadership, Hungary is gravitating toward Russia, combining conservatism with authoritarianism in a process called ‘Orbanization.’

Orban has concentrated power around himself, blocked EU sanctions, and slowed military aid to Ukraine. Despite the status of parliamentary democracy, he makes key decisions alone. He has also promoted Russian narratives around the war in Ukraine: he maintains close ties with the Kremlin, and meets regularly with Putin.

Kiril says that Hungary suffers from inflation and low wages, partly due to the prime minister's policy of rapprochement with Russia.

"Hungarians are complaining about this... They don't like Orban. Hungary is dependent on Russian oil and gas, and while other countries were looking for alternatives to get rid of Russian influence, Orban was signing supply contracts," Kiril said.

If a far-right party wins influence in Germany, they could forge closer ties with Russia. In the recent Germany campaigns, security and Ukraine have been drawn to the center of the election debate.

Friedrich Merz and his conservative CDU/CSU bloc lead in the polls with 29% and have the best chance of forming a coalition.

The conservative bloc supports EU unity, and NATO. Their leader, Friedrich Merz, a long-time opponent of Angela Merkel, pursues right-wing economic policies, but actively supports Ukraine, in particular calling for the use of long-range Taurus missiles against Russia.

At the same time, the right-wing populist pro-Russian Alternative for Germany is polling a record almost 21%.

AfD’s policies include leaving the EU, restoring Nord Stream 2, decreasing aid to Ukraine, and lifting sanctions against Russia – changing Germany's foreign policy to repair relations with Russia. The party is regularly criticized for its ties to Russian special services and support for pro-Russian rhetoric.

In a recent debate, Merz called out AfD Alice Weidel:

"You say we are not considered neutral by Russia. No, because we are not neutral! We are on Ukraine's side. We are defending the values we share. Your words this evening only confirm for me that I will do absolutely everything to prevent you from ever taking political responsibility in this country."

The AfD could increase isolationist sentiment in Germany and the EU, reduce military and financial aid to Ukraine, create a split between Eastern and Western Europe, and strengthen pro-Russian voices, according to Ihor Todorov, a professor at Uzhhorod National University in western Ukraine.

The Social Democratic Party of Germany, who have been polling 15%, and the Greens, who are predicted to get around 13% of the vote, could be key players in coalition negotiations. The SPD has been cautious about military aid to Ukraine, while the Greens remain strong advocates of support, pushing for more weapons and a tougher stance on Russia.

The question for Germans looks likely to be whether Merz will form a coalition with the left of the far right. Although the far right will almost certainly not win outright, it is likely to have its best result for the first time since World War II.

The AfD is known for its radical populist rhetoric. They actively oppose LGBT people and illegal immigration, calling for harsh measures such as closing borders and deporting migrants.

Investigations by The Insider and Der Spiegel confirmed that the Kremlin financed the AfD party through pro-Kremlin propagandist Vladimir Sergienko, who acted as an intermediary. The journalists found out that the AfD not only received cash from Moscow but also coordinated its initiatives and speeches with Russian curators. One such project was a lawsuit filed by the party with the German Constitutional Court to block military aid to Ukraine.

In addition to funding, Russia is using anti-war movements in Germany to weaken support for Ukraine by spreading disinformation, messages about "peace talks," and the “futility” of military aid.

Among the most vocal supporters of Alternative for Germany is Russian far-right political philosopher Alexander Dugin, an ideologue of Russian imperialism, sometimes called “Putin’s brain” in international media.

Elon Musk, a close ally of U.S. President Donald Trump, is also a supporter of the AfD, openly praising them in the media, calling them the “last spark of hope” for Germany in a newspaper article.

"The AfD's unabashed populism contributes to its popularity, especially in the eastern German states, which are poorer than western Germany. Sometimes you can hear notes of nostalgia: everything was fine when the Soviet Union was there... In addition, their popularity is growing because of Angela Merkel's government's less-than-successful migration policy," Todorov said.

The main question of the election is whether Merz will be able to win by a large margin and prevent the far right from gaining more than 20%. Roland Frodenstein, director of the Brussels Freedom Hub, said a coalition with the Greens would maintain a tough stance on Ukraine and Russia.

Kiril, a Ukrainian who watched Hungary as it descended into pro-Russian rhetoric and action, warns of the fateful consequences that will occur if Germany follows a similar path.

“If they choose a pro-Russian party, I don't even know what will happen... It will probably be worse... I'm afraid that then Russia might not stop at Ukraine and go to Europe,” warned Kiril.

NEWS OF THE DAY:

Good morning to readers; Kyiv remains in Ukrainian hands.

U.S. MAY CUT STARLINK FOR KYIV’S TROOPS: The U.S. could block Ukraine’s access to Starlink amid its refusal to accept a deal over minerals, Reuters reported. The issue was again brought to the table when the U.S. envoy on Russia and Ukraine Keith Kellogg visited Zelenskyy this Thursday. Starlink is a vital element for Kyiv’s defense since it provides a stable internet connection and communications to the frontline.

Meanwhile, the head of Ukraine’s Center for Countering Disinformation Andrii Kovalenko reassured that nobody plans to cut off Starlink’s connection to Ukraine. Besides, the Ukrainian military has “other alternatives.”

ZELENSKYY MAY SIGN MINERAL DEAL TODAY: The U.S. and Ukraine could reach an agreement on a deal that would cede rare earth mineral rights to Washington today, according to the Wall Street Journal. Trump considers it compensation for the U.S. military aid provided to Ukraine, even though it does not offer any security guarantees for Kyiv. Kellogg has reportedly built trust with Zelenskyy and played a significant role in finalizing the deal during his visit to Kyiv.

At the same time, Zelenskiy is not ready to sign the deal on rare earth minerals, according to Sky News. The draft agreement allegedly does not reflect a partnership in the deal. Instead, it contains only unilateral commitments by Kyiv.

U.S. PROPOSES NOT TO CALL RUSSIA AGGRESSOR IN UN RESOLUTION: The United States has drafted a UN resolution on the third anniversary of Russia's invasion of Ukraine that has no mention of Ukraine's territorial integrity or criticism of Moscow's actions, AFP reported. It mourns "the tragic loss of life in the Russia-Ukraine conflict" and "urges a swift end to the conflict and continues to call for a lasting peace between Ukraine and Russia."

EU TO DELIVER €20 BILLION OF MILITARY AID TO UKRAINE: Europe is preparing a new package of additional military aid worth about €20 billion, which is expected to be agreed upon on the anniversary of Russia's invasion of Ukraine, Bloomberg reported. Europe is rushing to provide Ukraine with the necessary assistance and security guarantees because of Trump's initiative to achieve a quick peace on unfavorable terms for Kyiv.

The package includes artillery ammunition, air defense systems, deep-precision missiles, drones and other weapons. However, approval may be delayed due to possible blocking by Hungary and elections in Germany.

TAIWAN PRESIDENT PLEDGES 3% GDP ON DEFENSE: President Lai Ching-te said that in the face of Communist China’s threats toward the island nation, his government would seek to spend at least three percent of GDP on military spending.

Taiwan also seeks to establish itself as a critical part of the “democratic supply chain,” especially as it comes to semiconductors. The project comes as world trade is beginning to bifurcate more towards a democratic chain and an autocratic one. Lai made these comments to kick off the Halifax security forum in Taipei this past week.

DOG OF WAR

Today’s dog of war is Mariana’s traveling companion, who was sitting calmly when Mariana visited her parents. The dog didn’t bark even once — just curiously observing other train passengers and breathtaking scenery from the window.

Stay safe out there.

Best,
Mariana

U.S. President Donald Trump on Feb. 19 launched an astonishing attack on President Volodymyr Zelensky, calling him a “dictator” with a “very low” approval rating that refuses to hold elections in Ukraine.

The comments came a day after similar remarks made at the White House, in which Trump falsely claimed Zelensky had a “4% approval rating,” and suggested Ukraine should hold elections despite Russia’s ongoing war in the country.

Speaking a few hours after U.S. and Russian officials met in Saudi Arabia for the first time since the start of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine three years ago, Trump also falsely accused Ukraine of starting the war, and said Moscow wants “to do something” to “stop the savage barbarianism."

The talks in Saudi Arabia were conducted without Ukraine, prompting Zelensky to reiterate on Feb. 18  that “you can’t make a decision on how to end the war in Ukraine without Ukraine."

“They want a seat at the table, but you could say … wouldn’t the people of Ukraine have a say,” Trump said on Feb. 18, adding: “It’s been a long time since we’ve had an election."

“That’s not a Russian thing, that’s something coming from me, from other countries,” he insisted.

Which other countries are saying that Ukraine should hold elections?

Russia does.

In comments made while the talks in Saudi Arabia were underway, Kremlin spokesperson Dmitry Peskov said Russia’s President Vladimir Putin is ready for talks with Zelensky, but “legal aspects related to his legitimacy” must be considered.

It’s far from the first time that Moscow officials have questioned the legitimacy of Zelensky, which has been a line of attack for almost a year now.

The false claim is based on the premise that Zelensky’s first term in office was originally meant to end on May 20, 2024.

But Russia’s full-scale invasion and the subsequent declaration of martial law in Ukraine has meant elections have been impossible to hold and his term has been extended, something constitutional lawyers say is allowed under Ukrainian law.

Russia has widely repeated the claim in an attempt to  discredit the Ukrainian government, but what’s different this time around is the U.S. President appears happy to go along with it.

US-Russia talks are ‘the last warning for Europe,’ Gabrielius Landsbergis says

Storm clouds are intensifying in Europe as Ukraine approaches the fourth year of the full-scale war with Russia. Initial hopes that U.S. President Donald Trump’s new administration might adopt the “peace through strength” approach towards Moscow are beginning to unravel in light of recent statement…

The Kyiv IndependentMartin Fornusek

How popular is Zelensky?

According to Trump, there’s something akin to a constitutional crisis in Ukraine right now, with the country being run by a hugely unpopular “dictator."

“We have a situation where we haven’t had elections in Ukraine, where we have essentially martial law in Ukraine, where the leader in Ukraine — I mean, I hate to say it, but he’s down at 4% approval rating,” he said on Feb. 18.

Trump’s comments contain two notable inaccuracies.

Firstly, Ukraine is under actual martial law due to Russia’s full-scale invasion. As mentioned above, Ukrainian law requires the suspension of elections which can only be lifted once the war is over.

Crucially, the terms of any peace deal — which the U.S. and Russia are currently discussing without Ukraine — will be essential for creating conditions under which elections can be held.

Fedir Venislavskyi, a member of parliament’s Defense Committee and of President Volodymyr Zelensky’s ruling party, said on Feb. 17 that he “does not think martial law can be lifted” on just the basis of a ceasefire without “the threats going away.”

A ceasefire “does not mean that Russia has withdrawn its troops from occupied territories or its means of attack that can strike Ukraine,” Venislavskyi said.

“Given Putin’s mental state, I think we can expect any possible developments. Therefore, without guarantees that this will lead to a lasting peace, I do not think martial law can be lifted,” he added.

Secondly, it's not clear where Trump got his information about Zelensky's "4% approval rating," a wildly inaccurate figure.

A survey by the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology (KIIS) published on Feb. 19 found around 57% of Ukrainians trust Zelensky as of February, marking an increase of five percentage points since December.

The poll was carried out on Feb. 4-9, according to the pollster, but was published on the day after Trump’s claims.

According to the latest poll from Reuters published Feb. 19, Trump's own approval rating currently stands at 44%.

According to latest poll from the Levada Center, a Russian independent polling organization, Putin's approval in January was 87%, though Russia is a country where standing at an anti-war rally with a blank piece of paper can land one in jail, and has a leader who has been in power for 24 years, longer than many infamous dictators.

Zelensky himself on Feb. 19 did not hold back when he stated where he believed Trump had got the 4% figure from.

"We saw this disinformation. We understand it comes from Russia," he said during a press conference in Kyiv.

https://kyivindependent.com/british-volunteer-who-lost-arm-and-leg-evacuating-ukrainian-civilians-russia-is-the-enemy-how-can-you-not-see-it/

What would elections in Ukraine look like?

When Ukraine eventually does hold elections, it is expected to face multiple challenges to make a vote safe, equal, uninterrupted, and provide a secret ballot, as is required by Ukrainian law.

Russia's constant targeting of Ukrainian population centers across the country in bomb, missile and drone attacks, makes providing a "safe" voting experience impossible while the war is ongoing, not to mention the challenge of arranging voting facilities for soldiers serving on the front lines.

Demobilization is possible only after the end of martial law. Olha Aivazovska, head of the election watchdog Opora, said this process should begin at the stage of signing a peace agreement and its ratification.

"Then martial law is lifted and a fully-fledged, democratic, transparent electoral process begins," she told the Kyiv Independent.

If the war ends and martial law is lifted, Ukraine's Central Election Commission (CEC) will announce the start of the election campaign.

According to Ukrainian law, starting from that moment, 90 days should pass before presidential elections are to be held, 54 to 60 days before the parliamentary elections, and 50 days before local elections.

However, preparations for the post-war elections are expected to take even longer due to extraordinary circumstances caused by Russia's full-scale invasion.

According to United Nations (UN) figures, over 6 million Ukrainians left the country as a result of Russia's war and are currently abroad.  Another 3.6 million are internally displaced.

With around 18% of Ukraine's territories occupied by Russia, "millions more" remain in the Russian-occupied territories, according to Zelensky.

Another problem is the locations where a vote will be held. Electoral infrastructure, such as schools, has been destroyed in many areas of Ukraine-controlled territory due to Russian attacks.

Aivazovska said that it could take up to a year to restore the electoral infrastructure and adopt a separate law to hold the post-war elections following the ceasefire.

Who started the war in Ukraine?

U.S. President Donald Trump claimed on Feb. 18 that Ukraine “should have never started” the war.

The Kyiv IndependentThe Kyiv Independent

Who would be the main contenders?

Any list of potential candidates is purely speculative at this stage, but several well-known politicians, military officers, and volunteers could realistically be in the running.

Volodymyr Zelensky

While on the campaign trail, Zelenksy promised to be a one-term president. But when asked during recent interviews whether he is planning to run for another five years in the office, he did not rule out this possibility.

"It depends on how this war ends. Basically, it depends on people first and foremost, and of course on my family," he told American podcaster Lex Friedman last month.

Valerii Zaluzhnyi

Former Commander-in-Chief Valerii Zaluzhnyi has never announced the launch of a political career and dodged questions about a possible presidential run.

Yet some experts see him as a potential main opponent to Zelensky. Last February, he topped a Ukrainian poll with a trust rating of 94%, higher than Zelensky.

Appointed commander-in-chief in the summer of 2021, Zaluzhnyi gained popularity among both the military and the broader population due to his role in leading the military resistance against Russia.

He was dismissed in February 2024 following months of speculation about a rift in Ukraine's leadership. Soon after, the president appointed Zaluzhnyi as Ukraine's ambassador to the U.K.

Yulia Tymoshenko

The leader of the Batkivshchyna party is a veteran politician who appears to have started preparing for the elections.

Tymoshenko served twice as Ukraine’s prime minister. In 2011, she was jailed by her main political opponent, pro-Russian President Viktor Yanukovych. She was freed three years later after Yanukovych was ousted by the EuroMaidan Revolution.

She has been re-elected to parliament twice since then. Labeled as a populist, Tymoshenko used to oppose such notable steps for Ukraine as land sale reform or the legalization of medical cannabis.

Petro Poroshenko

Poroshenko launched his political career in the 1990s. He was a prominent figure during the two Ukrainian revolutions in 2004 and 2014. He held a number of top positions in Ukraine’s government, including economy minister under Yanukovych's rule.

After Yanukovych's overthrow, Poroshenko was elected Ukraine’s fifth president. He served one term from 2014 until 2019, facing Russia’s invasion of Crimea and Donbas.

Poroshenko pushed for Ukraine’s membership in the European Union and NATO, however, his tenure was marred by corruption scandals.

For years, the ex-president was listed among the wealthiest people in Ukraine owning the Roshen confectionery and a number of other businesses. In 2019, he transferred his business assets to his son Oleksiy Poroshenko.

Zelensky dealt a decisive defeat to Poroshenko in the 2019 election, but the rivalry between the two continued. Shortly before the full-scale invasion, in December 2021, the former president was charged with high treason for what the prosecution said was aiding Russian-controlled militants in the occupied parts of Donetsk Oblast.

This month, Zelensky imposed indefinite sanctions on Poroshenko, freezing all his assets. The charges of treason were cited as one of the official reasons for this move. Poroshenko has denied wrongdoing.

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The Kyiv IndependentMasha Lavrova

Yuriy Boyko

Boyko, a parliamentary member since 2007 and former deputy prime minister under Yanukovych, has a long history in Moscow-aligned political factions.

His joint political project with Viktor Medvedchuk, a former pro-Russian lawmaker accused of high treason, Opposition Platform — For Life, secured second place in the 2019 parliamentary elections. The party was banned in 2022 soon after Russia’s full-scale invasion.

Boyko advocated for Ukraine's "neutrality and non-alignment" and for granting the Russian language the status of the state language, proposals that echo Putin's ultimatums.

As the all-out war progressed, the politician tried to rebrand himself, but in December 2024 he posted a TikTok video repeating long-standing Russian propaganda points. This was met with public outrage and sparked speculations that he is doing groundwork for the post-war presidential and parliamentary run.

Despite being embroiled in a number of high-profile corruption probes, Boyko was never charged.

Vitali Klitschko

A former world boxing champion, Vitali Klitschko, launched his political career in the 2000s. He was one of the key figures during the EuroMaidan Revolution in 2014 and formed a political project with Poroshenko afterward.

In 2014, Klitschko became mayor of Kyiv and has since been re-elected twice. Despite his popularity abroad, he faces criticism in Ukraine for his handling of the capital. Klitschko has had a long-standing conflict with Zelensky. He claims ongoing pressure from government authorities.

Before the full-scale war, some reports in Ukrainian media alleged that his younger brother Wladimir Klitschko, also a former boxing star, could follow his brother’s footsteps and enter politics. When asked about it in 2021, he neither confirmed nor denied it.

Serhii Prytula

Longtime TV presenter and comedian Serhii Prytula entered politics in 2019, joining the newly created Holos party led by Ukrainian rockstar Sviatoslav Vakarchuk.

Prytula ran for parliament and mayor of Kyiv but failed to succeed. Due to party infighting, he left Holos in 2021. Shortly before Russia began its full-scale war, Prytula announced plans to launch his own party, which failed to materialize.

Now Prytula devotes himself to volunteering and raising funds for the military. Over almost three years of full-scale war, his charity, one of the largest in Ukraine, has raised more than Hr 7 billion ($168 million) for the army, he said.

Kyrylo Budanov

Budanov was appointed as the military intelligence (HUR) head in August 2020, becoming the youngest spy chief in Ukraine’s history.

The spy chief became a household name in Ukraine amid Russia’s war, while his agency is seen as one of the most competent institutions in the country, conducting multiple operations within Russia and the Ukrainian territories.

Such support for the military intelligence and its chief led to speculations about his possible dismissal. Both Budanov and Zelensky denied these rumors.

The spy chief evaded answering questions about a potential political career.

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The Kyiv IndependentThe Kyiv Independent news desk

U.S. Deputy Assistant State Secretary Christopher W. Smith visited Belarus alongside two other U.S. officials in an unannounced meeting on Feb. 12, the New York Times reported, potentially ending Belarusian President Alexander Lukashenko’s isolation from the West.

Belarus has been cut off from the West following Lukashenko’s crackdown on the 2020 mass protests in response to what the West denounced as fraudulent election results. Since then, Belarusian authorities have increasingly suppressed political freedoms and have become complacent in Russia’s war against Ukraine.

The meeting comes as the U.S. seeks to negotiate a deal with Belarusian authorities. In exchange for the release of an undefined number of political prisoners, the U.S. is willing to ease sanctions on Belarusian banks and potash, the New York Times (NYT) reported on Feb. 15, citing unnamed officials in contact with Smith on Feb. 13.

Belarus is a major producer of potash, a key ingredient in fertilizer.

Revealing the meeting, Smith said during a briefing on Feb. 13 that it was the goal of U.S. officials to secure freedom for more political prisoners.

Alena Movshuk, a Belarusian activist, and Andrey Kuznechyk, a journalist for Radio Free Europe were released, Franak Viacorka, Senior Advisor to Belarusian opposition leader Sviatlana Tikhanovskaya said.

Smith drove to Belarus from Lithuania, following a phone call with Lukashenko. The small U.S. delegation visited a border town where three political prisoners were transferred, including one U.S. citizen, and two Belarusian citizens.

The Belarusian leader assured Smith he was ready to decrease repression in Belarus, Smith said, adding that the U.S. wants Belarus to be less reliant on Russia.

Lukashenko was handed a seventh consecutive term as President of Belarus on Jan. 26, in an election that has been internationally denounced as a sham.

Minsk refused to invite a mission from the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) to observe the country’s Jan. 26 presidential election.

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The Kyiv IndependentMartin Fornusek

U.S. Vice President JD Vance stunned those watching on Feb. 14 when his speech at the Munich Security Conference turned into a searing attack on Europe’s ideals and a call to embrace far-right political parties.

At an event focused almost entirely on how to end Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, Vance said what he fears most isn’t authoritarian states but Europe’s “threat from within."

“The threat I worry the most about vis-a-vis Europe is not Russia, it’s not China, it’s not any other external actor. It is the threat from within. The retreat of Europe from some of its most fundamental values.,” he said.

Vance went on to admonish Europe for not paying enough attention to “uncontrolled migration” and for what he described as the “retreat” of free speech.

He argued that Europe should not “just talk about democratic values” but “live them,” adding the continent could not “force people what to think, what to believe."

Vance said these efforts included restrictions on “misinformation,” which he described as a “Soviet-era” word, and laws against abortion protests that he said unfairly silenced Christians.

Speaking a little over a week before the German elections, the vice president called on European nations to drop their opposition to far-right parties such as the Alternative for Germany (AfD), which Berlin suspects of extremism.

“If you are afraid of your own people, there is nothing America can do for you,” he said, adding: “You cannot win a democratic mandate by censoring your opponents or putting them in jail."

The speech stunned those in attendance — Ukrainian lawmaker Oleksii Honcharenko said in a post on X the speech amounted to " the total humiliation of all European leaders."

“There was almost no applause,” he added in another post.

"It's a strange style," EU Defense Commissioner Andrius Kubilius told the Kyiv Independent at the conference, adding: "Of course, he attracted a lot of attention, but (there were) no substantial messages. Not on Ukraine, not on Gaza."

Kubilius added that he was "not surprised" at the speech, adding it was now a question of how Europe reacted to it.

"And my reaction is quite simple — keep calm and carry on," he said.

"...the U.S. vice president decided to openly downplay a very tangible Russian threat in front of an audience comprising people from countries that suffered decades of brutal Soviet occupation..."

Federico Borsari, a resident fellow at the Center for European Policy Analysis (CEPA), told the Kyiv Independent that Vance's comments "risk creating a fracture between the U.S. and Europe at a time when unity at all levels is essential to counter Russia."

"Rather than using the prestigious MSC’s stage to promote the image of the new U.S. administration in front of European leaders... the U.S. vice president decided to openly downplay a very tangible Russian threat in front of an audience comprising people from countries that suffered decades of brutal Soviet occupation and directly criticize European countries and their governments... for their alleged attack on democracy and freedom of speech," Borsari noted.

The expert also highlighted that Vance's comments were promptly praised by members of the far-right AfD.

Elsewhere, social media was awash with criticism of the speech — Gideon Rachman, the chief foreign affairs commentator for the Financial Times (FT), described it as "shocking hypocrisy."

Carl Bildt, co-chair of the European Council on Foreign Relations, said the speech was "significantly worse than expected."

Speaking at the conference after Vance's speech, Germany's Defense Minister Boris Pistorius tackled the vice president's comments about the AfD head-on.

"Democracy does not mean that a vociferous minority can decide what truth is… democracy must be able to defend itself against extremists," he said.

Vance later met with President Volodymyr Zelensky. U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio and Trump's special envoy for Ukraine and Russia, Keith Kellogg, also attended the meeting.

"Our teams will continue to work on the document (on critical minerals). We have addressed many of the key issues and look forward to welcoming General Kellogg to Ukraine for further discussions and a deeper assessment of the situation on the ground," Zelensky wrote.

"We are ready to move towards real and guaranteed peace as quickly as possible. We sincerely appreciate President Trump's determination to help stop the war and provide Ukraine with justice and security guarantees," Zelensky added.

Vance's speech came at the end of a tumultuous week for U.S.-Europe relations and the future of the war in Ukraine.

U.S. President Donald Trump and his top officials on Feb. 12 appeared to undermine Ukraine’s leverage in peace talks, renewing fears that his plans for a quick resolution could amount to a victory for Russia.

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Trump announced he had held phone calls with both Russian leader Vladimir Putin and Zelensky, saying peace negotiations would start "immediately" and a ceasefire is in the "not too distant future."

Earlier in the day, U.S. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth said "returning to Ukraine's pre-2014 borders is an unrealistic objective," and that NATO membership for Ukraine is not an option.

European leaders — suddenly left out of discussions after nearly three years of close involvement with the U.S. on Ukraine-related issues under President Joe Biden’s administration —  scrambled to react to Trump’s comments.

Kaja Kallas, the EU's top diplomat, said on the same day: "Why are we giving (Russia) everything they want, even before negotiations have started? … If there is an agreement made behind our backs, it simply will not work."

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The Kyiv IndependentElsa Court

Slovakia, a landlocked country on Ukraine’s western border, is undergoing a dramatic political shift under Prime Minister Robert Fico. Once a staunch supporter of NATO and the EU, Slovakia has now moved toward a pro-Russian stance, halting military aid to Ukraine and opposing EU sanctions against the Kremlin. As Fico meets with Russian dictator Vladimir Putin and cracks down on opposition voices at home, protests are erupting across the country. Tens of thousands of Slovaks have taken to the streets, fearing that their democracy is at risk.

In a shocking development, Ukrainian Security Service (SBU) Colonel Dmytro Kozyura has been detained on suspicion of espionage for Russia's Federal Security Service (FSB). The security service announced the arrest of the Chief of Staff of its Anti-Terrorist Center on Wednesday, February 12, without naming the suspect. Nonetheless, Ukrainian media outlets have identified him as Kozyura.

Kozyura has been leading the SBU's Anti-Terrorist Directorate since 2016. Telegraf published a photograph from one meeting that matches footage of the detention. His identity has also been confirmed by UNIAN and Ukrayinska Pravda.

Further mentions of Kozyura were discovered in the Telegram channel of Kyiv's mayor, Vitali Klitschko. In August 2024, Klitschko met with him and handed over drones purchased with the capital's budget. Photos from that encounter align with the ones released by the SBU.

Media reports indicate that other details about Kozyura remain sparse in public archives.

The SBU stated it has documented 14 instances of the arrested individual's illegal activities. According to the investigation, Kozyura was reportedly recruited by Russia in 2018 in Vienna and later used an undercover apartment in Kyiv for communication with an FSB handler.

The suspect allegedly disclosed crucial details concerning Ukrainian troop deployments, the state of critical infrastructure, outcomes of Russian missile strikes, and even intel on high-ranked officials.

Adding a personal twist, it appears his family supported Russian aggression, and knew about their kin’s treasonous liaisons, SBU officials disclosed. Authorities may soon charge them over the justification of Russia's aggressive actions.

SBU findings suggest the betrayal dates back to 2018 when the senior officer was flipped by FSB agents in Vienna. Initially lying dormant, he reconnected with Russian handlers towards the end of 2024. By this time, SBU operatives were monitoring his every move.

SBU detailed a chilling account of FSB orchestration, using a Ukrainian mediator for secure courier roles. This operative previously fled to Russia following Ukraine's Revolution of Dignity and is notable for activities ranging from supporting the "Antimaidan" to transferring funds for paid protests, the agency elaborated. He too faces treason charges.

Patterned under cloak and dagger subterfuges, FSB officer Yuriy Shatalov allegedly directed spy activities through secure Kyiv-based locations using high-tech communication gadgets.

The sophisticated sting, codenamed "Rat," signifies a triumph of covert and overt investigative techniques.

In a sophisticated sting, codenamed "Rat," the Ukrainian secret service agents monitored the suspect meticulously.

"In neutralizing this saboteur, we achieved a historic victory," said SBU Chief Vasyl Maliuk. "He not only had extensive access and expertise but his potential threat amid ongoing conflicts warrants utmost significance. The operation was conducted under my oversight as I constantly reported key updates to President Volodymyr Zelensky."

Moreover, through this compromised channel, SBU fed Russian intelligence streams a plethora of misleading data, disrupting their strategic calculus.

Charged under Article 111 for high treason, the detained official is headed for potential life imprisonment with asset confiscation.

UKRAINE, KHARKIV, Feb 10 — On Feb 8, Kharkiv locals gathered to protest against the construction of a café near the historic building called “Giant” (“Gigant” in Ukrainian), a dorm of the Kharkiv Polytechnic Institute, which was built in 1931 year. 

The watchdog organization for public procurement, the Kharkiv anti-corruption center, and Lyuk, Kharkiv's local media, organized a demonstration, stating that the construction of a café on Skovorody St., 79, is unlawful. 

Gwara Media has been to the protest.

The dormitory, a modernist, constructivist building, is a local historic site.

“I think that we have to respect, value this heritage. Protect it and remember our history because people without history don’t have a future. Especially now, during [Russia’s] full-scale aggression against Ukrainian people,” said Andrii, a protester. 

Kateryna Kublytska, an architect, said that the construction violates the law because it’s too close to the dormitory, which, as a historic site, has to have a “secure radius” of 25 meters around it. 

The head of Kharkiv Polytechnic Institute, Yevhen Sokol, is also against the construction. 

The construction of the café on Skovorody St. started in 2023 by the owners of a gastropub called Zori but stopped after public pressure and the involvement of the Department of Inspection of Kharkiv City Council. 

According to the city council, currently, the developer has all necessary documents from the previous owner of construction on the area of 400m2, and that the documentation is currently being checked through by lawyers. 

The “Giant” was damaged during World War II and restored after 1949. 

Cover photo: Protest against construction of the café in front of historic building called "Giant" in the Kharkiv center / Hnat Holyk, Gwara Media

Read more

• “What happened here is terrible.” Russian drone strike on Kharkiv damages at least 100 stores of Barabashovo, one of biggest markets in Europe (photos) 

The post Kharkiv residents protest construction of café near 1931 historic building (in photos) appeared first on Gwara Media.

Editor’s note: The transcript of this interview has been edited for length and clarity.

Poland holds a special position among Kyiv’s partners — with a shared history of Russian oppression and conquest, its leaders have left no room for doubt that the full-scale invasion of Ukraine represented an existential threat to the region and Europe as a whole.

Poland has sent tanks, fighter jets, artillery, and more to boost Ukrainian defenders fighting Russian forces, while the country has opened its doors to nearly 2 million Ukrainian refugees since 2022.

Yet Poland’s support for Ukraine’s fight against Russia has also been marked by tensions, sparked both by historical grievances and modern political and economic factors.

The ongoing dispute centered on the World War II-era Volyn massacres by the Ukrainian Insurgent Army of Poles living in what is today western Ukraine and subsequent reprisals. And economic disputes, such as protests by Polish farmers against Ukrainian grain, further complicate ties as Kyiv seeks entry to the EU and the single European market.

The Kyiv Independent sat down with Poland’s charge d’affaires in Kyiv, Piotr Lukasiewicz, on Jan. 29 to discuss why Poland stands out among Ukraine’s partners, how to approach the most painful chapters of the shared Polish-Ukrainian history, and why it may be too early to discuss a ceasefire in Ukraine.

The Kyiv Independent: Since the outbreak of the first invasion, Poland has been one of the most vocal supporters of Ukraine. How has Poland been irreplaceable as an ally?

Piotr Lukasiewicz: Four hundred tanks, several hundred APCs (armored personnel carriers), including the modern ones, artillery, spare parts, hundreds of tons of ammunition, thousands of tons of humanitarian and other equipment, military and civilian.

The Kyiv Independent: How can we reconcile the fact that Ukraine and Poland have been close allies but also had many heated disputes, even emotional exchanges between Polish and Ukrainian leaders, during the war?

Piotr Lukasiewicz: Since we are neighbors, we have our good times and bad times. And such close nations have these ebbs and flows of relations and attitudes.

The strategic message from us is that we are here to support Ukraine rather than go back to political and historical discussions from the past. Of course, they are very important to the identity of Ukrainians and Poles. And they have to be somehow resolved, which is happening. The resolution of these disputes is happening as we speak, and I’m happy to report progress on both sides, progress in terms of attitude.

People are expecting some form of breakthrough, some form of symbolic act of reconciliation. But these very rarely happen between the nations of Europe. It is a period of reconciliation, rather than an act of reconciliation. It is progress that we call the European Union.

The Kyiv Independent: Are you worried that these underlying issues, such as historical and economic disputes, could undermine Poland’s military and security support for Ukraine or, as you call it, this strategic interest?

Piotr Lukasiewicz: When historians and specialists gather in Lviv, Kyiv, Warsaw, and Krakow, when Polish leaders come to Ukraine, or Ukrainian leaders go to Poland, and even touch upon the question of history and the troubles from the past, almost in the same sentence they say that if we argue, if we have this heated discussion that prevents us from doing something more, the only one who benefits is Russia.

Russia is using its hybrid, information, and malicious influence, both here in Ukraine and Poland, to use this debate to its own benefit. If we turn it into something political, only Russia would benefit.

We can always argue about this place or another place, about this number of people killed here, the number of people killed there. This is a matter for serious discussion, and it’s happening.

The Kyiv Independent: Just to clarify, we’re talking about Volyn massacres and the victims' exhumations (in Ukraine).

Piotr Lukasiewicz: We are talking about the victims, yes.

The Kyiv Independent: You spoke against politicizing the Volyn massacres. How would you respond to voices in Ukraine who say that Poland itself is politicizing the issue by linking it to Ukraine’s efforts to join the EU? Several politicians have said that Ukraine will not be able to join the EU unless the Volyn issue is settled.

Piotr Lukasiewicz: So there are narratives on both sides. But there are facts on the ground that are moving this process towards a good resolution. What else can I say? Of course, I won’t comment on this politician or another to say whether (what they have said) is true or not.

The second thing is that EU accession talks are not conditioned on individual bilateral relations between countries with the candidate states. This applies not only to Ukraine but also to Moldova, the western Balkans, and others. It is merit-based.

The European Union is a collection of national interests. So, we are conducting these negotiations with Ukraine with our national interests in mind. But it’s very important to understand — for Ukrainians especially — that the process is not a Polish-Ukrainian one. It’s a process (involving) all member states.

The Kyiv Independent: There are still many historical topics that are viewed very differently in Poland and Ukraine, such as Stepan Bandera, the Ukrainian Insurgent Army, or its commander, Roman Shukhevych. Do you expect that these topics will continue to strain Polish-Ukrainian relations and hinder Ukraine’s effort to join the EU?

Piotr Lukasiewicz: As is mentioned in many books, including (Timothy) Snyder’s Bloodlands, Polish and Ukrainian history is full of blood, tragedy, and crimes committed against each other.

You mentioned names that sound tragic in Polish history and our understanding of our identity. We are not going to pay respect to these names, but we can’t really influence what Ukrainians think. We are not going to choose heroes for neighboring nations.

But it's very important for me and the Polish people, Polish historians, and Polish politicians that what is happening now, in the last 12 years of the Ukrainian struggle against the Russian empire, is that these times are producing greater, better, more suitable heroes for Ukrainian identity.

If you look at our embassy here in Kyiv, you will notice the pictures of Ukrainian soldiers with Polish roots. These are Poles living here in Ukraine who resisted the Russian invasion during the last 12 years.

For me, these are true heroes. I can relate to, and understand them. I'm Polish, they were Polish-Ukrainian. I'm not advising Ukrainians to build their history only on them. But their examples, their beautiful faces, which are shown at our embassy… there you can say: "These are the heroes that we can build our friendly relations upon."

These are the people who are fighting for modern Ukraine, not for Ukraine as it was 100 or 70 years ago. They are future-oriented heroes rather than heroes who wrote many, many ugly things in the past.

If Ukrainian society is trying to understand or is searching for a national example in history, it should also look at what happened between Poles and Germans, between French and Germans, and between many nations and how they reconciled. This was based on European values of reconciliation — European Union values. This should be future-oriented rather than expressing the sole identity of a particular nation.

Russia is not threatening only Ukraine, or only Polish independence, or Latvian, Lithuanian, or Estonian independence. They are collectively threatening Europe as a whole rather than our own particular, individual identity.

The Kyiv Independent: Poland took over the rotating presidency of the Council of the EU this January with the promise to help Ukraine speed up the accession process. What steps can Poland take in this regard?

Piotr Lukasiewicz: First, you should remember that the presidency of the EU Council is not what it used to be. It is a management rather than a leadership position.

But what we can do is that we can speed up the discussion. For instance, the opening of so-called clusters or chapters of negotiations is a process of three or four steps — accepting the screening report, issuing the benchmarks, and then starting negotiations.

So there are three or four steps that we can speed up during these six months, to maintain the Ukrainian agenda at the highest possible level, conduct very professional, merit-based, but still fast negotiations. And we are seeing great will from the Ukrainian side to speed up this process.

We are working to achieve the unanimity of the votes among the representatives of the member states in Brussels. And we are quite optimistic in delivering this first chapter, the so-called fundamentals, in the next two or three months.

Second, Poland had its own history of accession. We are very similar to Ukraine in terms of size, demographics, and type of economy. During our presidency, we want to share the best experiences, practices, and lessons learned by Polish negotiators.

The Kyiv Independent: What do you see as the main obstacles to Ukraine's EU accession efforts?

Piotr Lukasiewicz: It's the particular interests of the member states that can be driven by individual interests rather than strategic interests in mind. The strategic interest of the EU as a whole is Ukraine as a free and democratic member in, hopefully, the best and fastest possible way.

The Kyiv Independent: But looking from the perspective of Poland specifically, are you, for example, worried about accepting Ukraine into a single European market? We saw the mass protests and border blockades that came as a result of Ukrainian agricultural imports.

Piotr Lukasiewicz: You are asking about Poland's particular interest, which I'm trying to put into a different perspective. It's a collective negotiation of all member states rather than just Poland and Ukraine.

When we were entering the European market, we had this period of delay in particular sectors of the economy. In the first period of our membership, the farmers were paid both by the EU and our government. I remember very well the Polish lessons, a kind of disillusionment when several member states in 2000, 2002, and 2003 were voicing the same thing you asked — how the Polish accession to Europe would change the agricultural market further west in France or Spain?

Every nation has its own agricultural or economic interests. This is the experience we should pass on to Ukrainians so they can understand how they have to adapt to the common market, and how they have to change their structure, transportation policy, and agricultural infrastructure.

What we are trying to do for Ukraine is help them understand that it's not Poland that is particularly blocking something. It's a collection of the national interests of other member states as well.

We also have to adapt to this changing market. But the Polish example is that since we joined the European market with all the obstacles I mentioned, our GDP has grown almost by 300%. After 20 years, we are three times richer than we were when we entered.

This is an example that Ukrainians should consider. It is not a threat to them or to us. It's rather a question of adapting to new economic realities.

The Kyiv Independent: With the start of the U.S. presidency of Donald Trump, there are expectations that Europe should take greater responsibility for helping Ukraine resist Russian aggression and for ensuring the security of Europe as a whole. What role can Poland, as one of the most powerful militaries on the continent, play in this regard?

Piotr Lukasiewicz: I'm in a very privileged position among the ambassadors here in Kyiv to say that we are actually answering the calls to spend much more on defense. Everywhere you go, Poland is being given as an example of how to spend, what to spend, and how much to spend on defense.

Of course, we cannot sit back and say: "Okay, we achieved 5% (of GDP on defense spending), we are done." So we are calling on other nations that are lagging behind with this expenditure.

Secondly, given the importance of the Polish geographical position vis-a-vis Ukraine, we notice a much greater interest from our Central European and Nordic allies to gather around the example of Poland and the necessity to work together. I'm talking about these northern formats organized by the Polish government this year. The second format is the so-called Weimar Plus with France, Germany, and Poland being the core. And plus several other nations, the so-called big European five.

The Kyiv Independent: One hotly debated subject recently was the possibility of deploying European peacekeepers to monitor a potential ceasefire deal in Ukraine. What is Poland's position toward this idea?

Piotr Lukasiewicz: A very clear position.

There is no description of such a mission. There is no definition of such a mission. If there is a ceasefire, hopefully with the best Ukrainian position, then we will talk about a future peacekeeping contingent or not.

It very much depends on what will be achieved on the front lines. We are focusing right now not on discussing possible scenarios of the future, but rather on how to support Ukraine here and now.

The Kyiv Independent: How would you describe a successful and strong ceasefire deal?

Piotr Lukasiewicz: A ceasefire can take many forms. Over the past 12 years, we have observed how the ceasefire between Russia and Ukraine looked, how it was immediately broken by Russia after the first phase of the war in 2014, and how Russia committed itself to gradually invading more and more.

It is a rather baseless discussion right now about what (the ceasefire) would look like. What we have now is a heroic defense of Ukraine with the capabilities they have, which we are trying to strengthen.

It is the basic knowledge that peace negotiations should be conducted from a position of strength. And we are helping Ukraine to achieve the best achievable position in these future talks.

The second thing is that we cannot adopt the kind of mental position that Russia is enforcing something. We should be speaking from a position of strength — we are 10 times bigger in the sense of military, economy, and many advantages Europe has over Russia. It is us who should be imposing our conditions on Russia and imposing our threats on the Russian economy.

The Kyiv Independent: What should be non-negotiable in possible talks with Russia? For example, Russia recently declared that it will insist on barring Ukraine from entering NATO.

Piotr Lukasiewicz: The negotiations are dictated by the battlefield. This is war, not a political process. And the war changes a lot on a monthly basis. So we should not talk about the politics of how we should communicate with Russia, but rather achieve a reality on the ground that would serve political and diplomatic messages, with Ukraine being a leader or an actor in it.

Putin wants… to have one partner, one of the big global powers, so he can be again seen as a global leader. And we are in the same basket with the Ukrainians, the Czechs, the Germans, and others being talked over our heads, about our agency, existence, and well-being.

So, the basic condition for us, as for many Europeans, is strengthening Ukraine and then being part of the scenario or architecture in the future.

Note from the author:

Hi, this is Martin Fornusek. I hope you enjoyed this interview.

Our team strives to bring you the most interesting discussions with politicians, experts, and other important voices with insights on Ukraine's history, politics, and its resistance against Russian aggression.

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Thank you very much.