On June 4, the enemy launched a missile attack targeting a training facility in the Poltava region. According to the General Staff, thanks to prompt and well-planned safety protocols—designed specifically…

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Russian President Vladimir Putin did not mention Ukraine’s recent drone strikes that destroyed dozens of Russian strategic bombers during a lengthy televised cabinet meeting on June 4 — despite the attack marking one of the most significant blows to Russia’s military infrastructure since the start of the full-scale war.

The strikes, part of Ukraine’s covert Operation Spiderweb, were carried out on June 1 using first-person-view (FPV) drones that had been smuggled into Russia and hidden in trucks. The drones successfully targeted four major airfields — Olenya, Ivanovo, Dyagilevo, and Belaya — used by Russia’s long-range aviation fleet, responsible for regular missile attacks on Ukrainian cities.

The Security Service of Ukraine (SBU) confirmed that 41 aircraft were hit, including heavy bombers and rare A-50 spy planes, causing an estimated $7 billion in damage. Many of the bombers were destroyed beyond repair, while others may take years to restore. President Volodymyr Zelensky and SBU chief Vasyl Malyuk personally oversaw the operation.

On June 4, the SBU released high-resolution footage of the strikes, highlighting the precision and scale of the operation.

On June 4, Kremlin spokesperson Dmitry Peskov acknowledged the incident, saying Putin had been informed and that Russia’s Investigative Committee had launched a probe. “The president received information about the incident online,” Peskov told reporters. “There was also a corresponding statement from the Defense Ministry.”

Despite the scale of the attack, Putin avoided addressing the matter during his first public appearance following the strikes. Instead, he focused on other incidents, including a railway bridge bombing that killed at least seven and injured over 100 people in the Bryansk region, which he blamed on Ukraine.

The Kremlin’s silence stands in stark contrast to celebrations in Kyiv, where Zelensky called the operation “brilliant” and said it dealt “significant losses — entirely justified and deserved.”

Editor’s Note: This story is being updated.

Russian President Vladimir Putin “will have to respond” to Ukraine’s recent drone attack on military airfields, U.S. President Donald Trump said on June 4 after holding a call with the Russian president.

Trump said he spoke to Putin over the phone for approximately an hour and 15 minutes on June 4.

“We discussed the attack on Russia’s docked airplanes, by Ukraine, and also various other attacks that have been taking place by both sides,” Trump wrote on his Truth Social account after the call.

“It was a good conversation, but not a conversation that will lead to immediate peace. President Putin did say, and very strongly, that he will have to respond to the recent attack on the airfields.”

Ukraine on June 1 launched a game-changing drone attack on four key Russian military airfields, damaging 41 planes, including heavy bombers and rare A-50 spy planes.

Ukraine war latest: Kyiv hacks Russian bomber maker; Putin’s ‘disregard’ for troops highlighted as Russian losses near 1 million

Key developments on June 4: * Ukraine hacks Russia’s Tupolev bomber producer, source claims * Putin’s ‘disregard’ for troops highlighted as Russian losses approach 1 million, study finds * Ukraine expects to exchange 500 POWs in next swap with Russia, Zelensky says * Russia strikes Ukrainian military training facility in Poltava Oblast, military says

The Kyiv IndependentThe Kyiv Independent news desk

Key developments on June 4:

• Ukraine hacks Russia’s Tupolev bomber producer, source claims
• Putin’s ‘disregard’ for troops highlighted as Russian losses approach 1 million, study finds
• Ukraine expects to exchange 500 POWs in next swap with Russia, Zelensky says
• Russia strikes Ukrainian military training facility in Poltava Oblast, military says
• Kremlin confirms explosion at Crimean Bridge after Ukraine’s sabotage, claims ‘no damage’

Ukraine’s military intelligence agency (HUR) has gained access to sensitive data of Russia’s strategic aircraft manufacturer Tupolev, a source in HUR told the Kyiv Independent on June 4.

Tupolev, a Soviet-era aerospace firm now fully integrated into Russia’s defense-industrial complex, has been under international sanctions since 2022 for its role in Russia’s war against Ukraine. Its bombers have been widely used to launch long-range cruise missiles against Ukrainian cities and infrastructure.

According to the source, HUR’s cyber corps accessed over 4.4 gigabytes (GB) of internal data, including official correspondence, personnel files, home addresses, resumes, purchase records, and closed meeting minutes.

“The significance of the data obtained cannot be overestimated,” the source said. “Now, in fact, there is nothing secret left in Tupolev’s activities for Ukrainian intelligence."

The intelligence includes detailed information about engineers and staff responsible for maintaining Russia’s strategic bombers, such as the Tu-95 and Tu-160, which form a key part of Russia’s nuclear triad.

“In particular, we have obtained comprehensive information about individuals directly involved in servicing Russian strategic aviation,” the source added. “The result will obviously be noticeable both on the ground and in the sky."

Ukrainian cyber operatives also replaced the Tupolev website’s homepage with an image of an owl clutching a Russian aircraft, likely referencing HUR’s insignia and cyber warfare skills.

The source shared excerpts of internal data obtained during the breach, including what appeared to be internal documents and personnel files of staff, as proof. The combination of physical strikes on Russia’s strategic aviation and now the exposure of its internal architecture marks a significant blow to Moscow’s long-range aerial warfare.

Putin’s ‘disregard’ for troops highlighted as Russian losses approach 1 million, study finds

Russian military casualties in Ukraine are approaching 1 million and are likely to surpass that figure by summer 2025, according to a new report by the U.S.-based Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) published on June 3.

The total number of military casualties on both sides is nearing 1.4 million, including approximately 400,000 Ukrainian soldiers killed or injured.

The think tank estimates that more than 950,000 Russian troops have been killed or wounded since the start of the full-scale invasion in February 2022.

Of those, as many as 250,000 have died on the battlefield — losses CSIS says underscore Russian President Vladimir Putin’s “blatant disregard” for his forces.

Despite its staggering losses, Russia continues to rely on mass wave assaults. According to CSIS, this approach has allowed Russian forces to capture less than 1% of Ukrainian territory since January 2024, often advancing by only 50 meters per day.

The cost in equipment has also been severe. According to the think tank, Russian losses across land, air, and sea domains have vastly outpaced Ukraine’s, with some battlefield loss ratios reaching 5:1.

As of June 4, Ukraine’s General Staff put Russia’s cumulative troop losses at 991,820. While Kyiv does not disclose its own casualty numbers, Ukraine’s Armed Forces report Russian losses on a daily basis.

The full human toll remains difficult to confirm due to the opacity on both sides. CSIS used estimates compiled from U.S. and U.K. defense officials, as well as satellite imagery and battlefield assessments.

Independent Russian outlet Mediazona and the BBC Russian service have confirmed the identities of at least 109,625 Russian troops killed, based on open-source data such as obituaries, local news, and social media posts.

Russia’s monthly recruitment ranges from 30,000 to 40,000 new soldiers, Western intelligence officials told the Wall Street Journal in April. Rather than announce another mass mobilization, the Kremlin has relied heavily on financial incentives, offering lucrative contracts to new recruits.

Inside Russia, calls for peace come with conditions — and Kremlin talking points

Following the second round of direct peace talks with Ukraine, the Russian side leaked its proposal on how to end its war — effectively a demand for Ukraine’s surrender. Yet, if the intentions of the Kremlin are no secret — continue the war until a political or military victory — getting information on

The Kyiv IndependentOleg Sukhov

Ukraine expects to exchange 500 POWs in next swap with Russia, Zelensky says

Ukraine plans to bring home a total of 500 prisoners of war (POW) from Russian captivity in an exchange with Russia between June 7 and 8, President Volodymyr Zelensky said in a meeting with journalists on June 4 attended by the Kyiv Independent.

“Today, our teams held consultations on exchanges. The Russian side has informed us that this weekend, on Saturday and Sunday, it will be able to transfer 500 people, our military personnel, out of the 1,000+ that we agreed on,” Zelensky said.

The upcoming swap follows a major 1,000-for-1,000 exchange carried out between May 23 and 25. That deal, initially reached during Istanbul talks on May 16, was the largest prisoner exchange of the war so far.

The new exchange was agreed upon during the second round of direct talks held on June 2.

Zelensky said that Ukraine has not yet received the list of names for the upcoming swap, but that Moscow had promised to provide it in advance.

“This time, unlike in Istanbul last time, the Russians have promised to give us the lists of whom we are exchanging in advance, which is important for us,” he noted.

The statement comes as a previous prisoner exchange list reportedly included Anatolii Taranenko, a Ukrainian service member accused of collaborating with Russia.

Taranenko’s alleged inclusion in the exchange exacerbated criticism that Ukraine failed to secure the release of any Azov fighters and many civilians who had been held captive by Russia for years in what was the largest prisoner swap of the full-scale war.

After the June 2 talks, Russia also pledged to transfer 6,000 bodies of fallen Ukrainian soldiers and officers to Ukraine. Zelensky noted that preparations for exchanging the bodies will begin after the POW swap.

Ukraine has consistently pushed for an “all-for-all” formula in prisoner swaps, aiming to secure the return of every Ukrainian soldier in captivity. Russia has rejected that proposal.

Ukraine wouldn’t launch Operation Spiderweb if Russia agreed to ceasefire, Zelensky says

President Volodymyr Zelensky said that roughly half of the 41 Russian planes targeted in the attack on June 1 will be impossible to repair.

The Kyiv IndependentMartin Fornusek

Russia strikes Ukrainian military training facility in Poltava Oblast, military says

Russia launched a missile attack against a military training facility in Poltava Oblast on June 4, resulting in injuries among the personnel, the Ground Forces' press service reported.

“Thanks to timely and carefully planned security measures… the worst has been avoided,” the press service said, saying that no soldiers have been killed in the attack against the central region, which lies about 100 kilometers (60 miles) east of Kyiv.

The strike follows a string of Russian attacks against Ukrainian military facilities across Ukraine.

A deadly missile strike on a training camp in Dnipropetrovsk Oblast on June 1 killed at least 12 soldiers and led to the resignation of then-Ground Forces Commander Mykhailo Drapatyi, who was later appointed the commander of the Joint Forces.

The casualties sustained in Russian attacks deep in the rear sparked backlash, with military leadership facing criticism for failing to provide adequate security for soldiers and recruits.

Security protocols, including dispersal of personnel and the use of shelters, “saved the lives of service members who were at the training facility at the time of the strike” on June 4, the Ground Force said.

“Unfortunately, there are wounded. All victims are receiving care in specialized medical institutions.” The press service did not specify the number of victims or the exact location of the targeted military facility.

A special commission has been established to clarify the circumstances of the attack and the resulting damage, according to the statement.

Putin rejects Zelensky’s call for peace talks, accuses Ukraine of deadly bridge attack in Russia

Russian President Vladimir Putin on June 4 accused Ukraine of being governed by a terrorist regime that deliberately targets civilians and claimed it is continuing to lose the war. He rejected the possibility of holding talks.

The Kyiv IndependentOlena Goncharova

Kremlin confirms explosion at Crimean Bridge after Ukraine’s sabotage, claims ‘no damage’

An explosion recently occurred at the Crimean Bridge, but caused “no damage,” Kremlin spokesperson Dmitry Peskov claimed on June 4, accusing Ukraine of attempted attacks on Russia’s infrastructure.

The Security Service of Ukraine (SBU) claimed responsibility for the explosion that rocked the bridge in the early hours of June 3. The agency said that more than a ton of explosives in TNT equivalent damaged the underwater supports of the structure.

“There indeed was an explosion. There was no damage, the bridge continues to function,” Peskov said, according to the Russian state-run news agency RIA Novosti. “Kyiv continues in its attempts to attack infrastructure facilities."

Constructed after Russia’s illegal occupation of Crimea in 2014, the Crimean Bridge — also known as the Kerch Bridge —  is a critical supply and transport route for Russian forces to the occupied Ukrainian territories. It connects the occupied peninsula to Russia’s Krasnodar Krai via the Kerch Strait.

The Russian state media reported on June 3 that a “Ukrainian intelligence agent” who had constructed a bomb on “orders from Kyiv” had been detained by Russia’s FSB.

In comments later on June 3, Dmytro Pletenchuk, a spokesperson for the Ukrainian Navy, said the “key and most complex” part of the bridge had been damaged in the attack.

The operation, which follows the SBU’s mass drone strike against Russia’s strategic aviation on June 1, was personally supervised by the agency’s chief, Vasyl Maliuk.

The bridge suffered significant damage during two previous Ukrainian attacks in October 2022 and July 2023, though neither managed to take the bridge out of commission.

‘Grounds for a nuclear attack’ — Russian propagandists react to Ukraine’s Operation Spiderweb

Russian officials and propagandists have chosen different strategies for dealing with the unprecedented Ukrainian drone attacks on Russian airfields that took place on June 1. The Security Service of Ukraine (SBU) said that, as part of an operation dubbed Spiderweb, it had destroyed or damaged 41 Russian aircraft parked at

The Kyiv IndependentOleg Sukhov

Note from the author:

Ukraine War Latest is put together by the Kyiv Independent news desk team, who keep you informed 24 hours a day, seven days a week. If you value our work and want to ensure we have the resources to continue, join the Kyiv Independent community.

In the video, Russian activist Anna Kiryakova reads from a book of poetry that glorifies her country’s war against Ukraine. The anthology’s title — “Poetry of the Russian Winter” — is written with the Latin Z in place of its Russian analog.

The inclusion of that one letter aligns the book with the Kremlin’s pro-war narrative. Since Russia launched its full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, Z has become a pro-war symbol that many Ukrainians and opponents of the invasion equate with the Nazi swastika.

The most shocking thing about the recording was the location. Kiryakova read the poem inside the Russian Cultural Center in Washington, D.C.

The poem in question was written by a Russian war correspondent and included in the book at the behest of Margarita Simonyan, one of the Kremlin’s most notorious propagandists.

The video was published by Russian state television this February, as the U.S. was negotiating with Russia in a bid to end the war, which has taken the lives of tens of thousands of Ukrainians since 2022.

This bizarre occurrence — a Russian activist reading pro-Russian war poetry in the heart of a country that says it wants to stop the war — is emblematic of the work of the vast global network of Russian Centers for Culture and Science, more commonly known as Russia Houses.

Officially, Russian Houses are intended to promote Russia’s culture, language, and, more importantly, its vision of the world. Their activities range from hosting poetry readings and film screenings to awarding scholarships to Russian universities and organizing fully-funded trips to Russia.

Since Russia launched its full-scale invasion of Ukraine, they have faced growing scrutiny for serving as a vehicle for propaganda, disinformation and, as some allege, espionage.

But closing them down has proved to be a tall order for Western governments.

Despite European Union sanctions against their parent entity, Russian House continues its activities in Brussels, Berlin, Paris, Rome, Madrid, Luxemburg, Vienna, Prague, Warsaw, Budapest, Chisinau, Bratislava, and other capitals.

In a new investigation, the Kyiv Independent attempted to uncover why these centers of Kremlin soft power often seem immune to sanctions and political concerns about Russian malign influence.

We found that the Russian Houses frequently exist in a legal gray area, shielded by diplomatic immunity and deliberate efforts to obfuscate their connection to the parent entity.

“I think it’s never been recognized as a significant threat,” Dmitry Valuev, president of the U.S. organization Russian America for Democracy in Russia, told the Kyiv Independent.

In Washington, several incidents have shown that “their activities are malign and damaging to the security and national interests of the United States,” he added, but this has only led American law enforcement to investigate specific individuals, not the organization itself.

According to the parent entity, Russian international cooperation agency Rossotrudnichestvo, Russian House currently has a presence in 71 countries around the world.

Staying afloat

On Feb. 13, the government of Moldova announced that it would be closing the Russian Center for Science and Culture in Chisinau.

The night before, Russian drones had violated the country’s airspace and struck its territory during an attack on Ukraine.

Moldova, which borders Ukraine, is no stranger to Russian aggression and influence. Since the early 1990s, the eastern part of its territory, known as Transnistria, has been occupied by an unrecognized separatist statelet backed by Moscow.

But, almost four months after the Moldovan government’s announcement, Russian House continues to conduct business as usual in Chisinau.

The reasons behind this highlight how difficult it can be to shut down Russian Houses, even when a government appears committed to doing so.

Legally, the Russian Centers for Science and Culture are something of a mystery.

They operate globally based on intergovernmental agreements signed between Russia and the host country. Each document differs slightly, but the general model allows each signatory to establish a cultural and scientific center in the other country.

Despite that official foundation, Russian Houses regularly lack local registration as legal entities. Their directors are often employed at the local Russian embassy, which grants them diplomatic immunity.

As a result, one won’t find the Russian Center for Science and Culture in Chisinau officially registered in Moldova. The same goes for the centers in Berlin and Washington.

The now defunct Russian House in Kyiv also never had legal registration — despite the fact that the Ukraine-Russia intergovernmental agreement, signed in 1998, explicitly required Russia to legally register the center in Ukraine. (At least in some places, including in Berlin and Washington, D.C., the buildings used by Russian House belong directly to the Russian government).

Today, that lack of registration allows Russian Houses to deny that they have a connection to parent entity Rossotrudnichestvo, which the EU sanctioned in 2022 as a conduit for Kremlin influence and propaganda abroad.

“In the European Union there are no representative offices of Rossotrudnichestvo, but (there are) independently operating cultural centers — Russian Houses,” Rossotrudnichestvo head Yevgeny Primakov told Russian state information agency TASS in May 2024.

But the connection between the two entities is not difficult to find.

Prior to the EU sanctions, the websites of the Russian Houses in Berlin and Paris each listed Rossotrudnichestvo as their parent organization. An archived version of the Washington center’s website from July 2022 states that it is “subordinate” to the agency.

Moreover, Rossotrudnichestvo is explicitly mentioned in bilateral agreements as an organization that oversees and ensures the operation of Russian Houses. Such language was included in the agreement signed between Russia and Germany. The agreement with Moldova is similar, but lists a previous name of the parent agency.

European sanctions froze all assets owned by Rossotrudnichestvo inside the EU and banned any financial or economic support for the organization. As representative offices of Rossotrudnichestvo, Russian Houses would presumably be unable to operate or cover their expenses within the EU.

Instead, many of them continue to operate, insisting they are “independent.”

The centers’ lack of registration also raises another question: Do they have official bank accounts or do they make payments in cash off the books?

In 2016, when Russian House still operated in Kyiv, Ukrainian journalists inquired about its status with the Ukrainian State Fiscal Service. But the tax authorities were unable to find any official bank accounts for the organization inside Ukraine.

A rare description of how Russian House carries out financial transactions came from Pavel Izvolsky, the head of the center in Berlin. It was still quite vague.

“We have certain procedures for processing online payments,” he told Deutsche Welle in 2023.

Currently, sanctions make it exceedingly difficult for Russia to conduct bank transactions with EU and U.S. entities.

In a written response to the Kyiv Independent, Olof Gill, spokesperson for the European Commission’s financial services department, said that EU Member States are responsible for implementing sanctions, identifying breaches, and imposing penalties through their national authorities.

Gill did not comment on whether Rossotrudnichestvo’s continued connection to Russian House constitutes a sanctions violation.

Nadia Koval, co-author of a Ukrainian Institute study on Rossotrudnichestvo, told the Kyiv Independent that sanctions can restrict Russian House’s ability to make payments and cooperate with local organizations. But that has its limits.

“Tough action by the host countries is required,” she said.

Diplomatic immunity and Russian espionage

In 2023, after the EU imposed sanctions on Rossotrudnichestvo, the Berlin public prosecutor’s office attempted just that kind of “tough action."

It launched a criminal probe to determine whether Russian House’s activities violated the German Foreign Trade and Payments Act.

But prosecutors were forced to close the investigation into Izvolsky — the Russian House director had diplomatic immunity.

That abortive attempt at reining in the center emphasized another aspect of Russian House: its ties to the embassy.

According to bilateral agreements, Rossotrudnichestvo is not the only organization supervising it. The Russian diplomatic mission also plays a key role.

It’s a common practice for the heads of the Russian Houses to be employed at the Russian embassy. Their deputies can also be diplomats, according to the agreements with Moldova, Germany, and the U.S.

That means diplomatic immunity protects them from arrest and prosecution in the host country.

Dr. Patrick Heinemann, a German lawyer specializing in constitutional law, told the Kyiv Independent that a broader criminal investigation into the center nonetheless continues, and it may focus on the activities of other Russian House employees, as well as third parties doing business with it.

Heinemann also noted that Germany’s new Central Office for Sanctions Enforcement is conducting a parallel investigation into Russian House under regulatory law.

“However, nothing about these investigations is being made public,” he said. “The authorities are evading press inquiries on the grounds that the investigations must not be jeopardized.”

Diplomatic immunity can also facilitate espionage activities, and employees of Russian Houses in multiple countries have fallen under suspicion of working for Russian intelligence agencies.

That happened twice at Russian House in Washington, D.C.

In 2018, the Trump administration expelled Oleg Zhiganov, then the director of the Russian Cultural Center in Washington, D.C. The U.S. government said he was an intelligence officer operating under diplomatic cover and part of a group that engaged in “aggressive intelligence collection.”

His predecessor, Yury Zaytsev, apparently also came under suspicion. U.S. media reported that the FBI determined he was involved in compiling dossiers on Americans who took part in cultural exchange trips to Russia and could later be cultivated as intelligence assets.

He reportedly left the U.S. after the FBI investigation started.

It didn’t stop his diplomatic work. Zaytsev became director of the Russian House in Nicosia and later held the same position in Vienna.

That wasn’t the only instance in which Russia House was implicated in espionage.

The Danish newspaper Information reported that Russian House in Copenhagen was a favored gathering place for Russian embassy employees later identified as spies. The cultural center built close ties with Danish research institutions, most notably with the Technical University of Denmark (DTU). It even hosted joint conferences, seminars, and other events with the university, Information reported.

Aleksey Nikiforov, a DTU researcher who frequently attended Russian House events, was later sentenced to three years in prison for, among other things, collecting intelligence on green technology from DTU and SerEnergy, a company based in Denmark’s far north. Prosecutors said he passed the information on to a Russian intelligence service in exchange for payment.

The independent Russian investigative outlet The Insider has also reported that the head of Russian House in Berlin Pavel Izvolsky was once registered as residing in a dormitory of the Moscow Higher Military Command School (MVVKU), an institution known for training cadets for the SVR and the GRU, another Russian intelligence agency.

Izvolsky did not respond to requests for comment.

Creative solutions

Not all countries have hesitated to close down Russian Houses. Several — including EU members — have taken decisive action.

Since the start of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, Slovenia, Croatia, Montenegro, North Macedonia, Denmark, the UK, Romania, and Azerbaijan have all shut down or suspended the operations of their Russian Houses.

Notably, none of these moves appear to be directly based on EU sanctions against Rossotrudnichestvo. Instead, the countries have gotten creative.

In Denmark, authorities initially tried to freeze Russian House’s funds. But that didn’t stop its activities. The Center finally closed its doors after the Danish government expelled five Russian diplomats and 20 embassy administrative staff from the country.

While their names have never been made public, the Russian House director was presumably among them.

“They forced us to leave,” the Сenter wrote in its final Facebook post, noting that Russian House cannot operate without a director.

Romania acted similarly. In early 2023, the Romanian foreign ministry set a six-months deadline for Russian House in Bucharest to shut down. A few weeks before the deadline, Romania expelled 40 Russian embassy staff, forcing Russian House to suspend its operations.

(A similar tactic failed in Moldova. In August 2023, Moldova expelled the head of the Russian House in Chisinau along with 44 Russian diplomats, after The Insider reported on an espionage case involving antennas mounted on the roof of the Russian Embassy. Shortly thereafter, Russia replaced him with a new acting director Artyom Naumenkov and Russian House continued its work.

The Kyiv Independent tried to contact Naumenkov, but he declined our call, did not respond to the written questions and later hid his profile photos on Telegram.)

Meanwhile, Azerbaijan swiftly shuttered the Russian House in Baku after a Russian air defense system shot down an Azerbaijani passenger plane, killing 38 people.

Amid deteriorating relations with Moscow, the Azerbaijani foreign ministry used the fact that Russian House was not registered as a legal entity to demand that it cease operations. Azerbaijan also required the center to vacate its building within a month and a half because the property was set to be sold.

The Russian House in London simply never reopened after Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine. The Rossotrudnichestvo representative in the U.K. was denied a visa, leaving the сenter inactive.

In Ukraine, efforts to close the Russian House in Kyiv were delayed for several years because Parliament needed to pass legislation terminating the intergovernmental agreement with Russia.

Finally, in 2021, the government imposed sanctions on Rossotrudnichestvo. That shut down the center’s activities without a parliamentary decision.

But unlike Ukraine and many countries in Europe, the U.S. has not closed down Russian House or imposed sanctions on Rossotrudnichestvo. After a 1.5-year pause, the Russian Cultural Center in Washington resumed its activities in December 2022.

The center had no issue holding celebrations marking the anniversary of Russia’s illegal annexation of Crimea and has done so twice since 2022.

It continues to demonstratively glorify Russian military aggression while the Trump administration tries to negotiate peace. While some of its visitors are members of the Russian diaspora, its events also attract Americans without connections to Russia.

They include a handful of highly involved Americans from business, cultural circles, and academia, as well as philanthropists — some of whom were among the first to sponsor the Russian House at the time of its founding. They also formed the nonprofit Friends of the Russian Cultural Center to help raise funds for the Russian House and support the building’s renovation in the late 1990s.

Supporters of the center have portrayed it as a benign cultural initiative aimed at promoting understanding between Russians and Americans. But not everyone agrees.

Activist Valuev says that the Russian Cultural Center’s main goals include building connections and shaping U.S. public opinion in favor of the Kremlin.

“Businesses, religious groups, churches, cultural programs, education, exchange programs — all of it is used and weaponized by the Russian government,” he said. “It’s not a question of whether they use it. They do.”

Exposed: The ‘Stop Zelensky’ protesters sowing Russian disinfo across Europe

On a Sunday afternoon in mid-February, a small but politically charged event took place in the heart of Amsterdam. A group of eight people gathered for a photo-op protest on the city’s Dam Square holding placards that called for an end to Western arms deliveries to Ukraine and the

The Kyiv IndependentLinda Hourani

Note from the author:

Hi, this is Linda, the author of this piece. I hope it sheds light on how Russian cultural diplomacy operates in the U.S. and Europe — and why understanding soft power tools matters.

If you’d like to support our reporting, please consider becoming a member of The Kyiv Independent.

In a critical moment, Poland stepped up with key military assistance for Ukraine, although it might not top the donor list. Warsaw calculates it has already extended nearly €5 billion in aid, as disclosed by the head of the National Security Bureau of Poland, Dariusz Lukowski, in an interview with Rzeczpospolita.

“Our estimates indicate that we have provided support to Ukraine, including military aid, amounting to almost 5 billion euros,” Lukowski highlighted.

While Lukowski admitted that Poland might not be a leader in terms of quantity, he emphasized the critical importance of Polish contributions at the outset of the full-scale war.

“When discussions on support were ongoing in many countries, we delivered hundreds of tanks and transporters, enabling the equipping of forces on the scale of more than a division,” he recalled.

However, he acknowledged the limitations of Poland's further support capabilities, given the need to replenish its own arsenals and strengthen national defense.

“Nonetheless, we continue to support Ukraine as much as we can. For example, we facilitate the communication needs of Ukrainian troops with Starlink technology, provide spare parts for the equipment we’ve sent, and offer a full range of combat resources,” Lukowski added.

Over three years of intense conflict, Poland has equipped Ukraine with satellite communication via Starlink, amassing costs of 323 million zloty.

Additionally, the Polish embassy has stated that the transfer of MiG-29 jets to Ukraine might be on the horizon.

Editor’s note: This is issue 28 of Ukrainian lawmaker Yaroslav Zhelezniak’s weekly “Ukraine Reforms Tracker” covering events from May 26–June 1, 2025. The digest highlights steps taken in the Ukrainian parliament related to business, economics, and international financial programs.

The Kyiv Independent is republishing with permission.

Benchmarks and soft commitments with the IMF

Think tanks urge government to launch customs reform as IMF deadline approaches

Key Ukrainian economic NGOs and think tanks are calling on the Cabinet of Ministers to form a selection commission for the head of the State Customs Service, as mandated by law.

Despite legal obligations and commitments to international partners, the government has yet to move forward with the process, which has remained on hold for five months. Failure to complete the appointment process could jeopardize Ukraine’s International Monetary Fund benchmarks.

Finance Minister Serhii Marchenko recently said the full-scale invasion by Russia had changed the reform’s context, and that broader structural changes are needed.

Ukrainian Government misses legal deadline for budget declaration approval

The Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine has yet to approve the country’s medium-term Budget Declaration, despite a legal requirement to adopt the document by June 1. As of June 2, the document had neither been approved by the government nor registered in parliament. This marks the second consecutive year in which the deadline has been missed, despite the requirement being reinstated at the request of the Finance Ministry itself.

Customs-like delays nearly hit state audit reform, but parliament finally receives candidate list

Nearly a month after receiving names of international experts for the Accounting Chamber selection process, the Ukrainian government finally transmitted them to parliament. A six-member selection board will now be formed to launch the competition for new members of the Accounting Chamber.

Ukraine to restrict foreign currency bond sales to exchanges starting June 30

Starting June 30, Ukrainian investors will no longer be able to purchase government-issued FX-denominated domestic bonds (OVDPs) outside of licensed exchanges. The decision, adopted by the National Securities and Stock Market Commission, aligns with IMF requirements aimed at tightening capital controls and aligning financial company operations with banking regulations.

While the move is intended to curb currency manipulation by exporters, market participants warn it may complicate operations for institutional investors and dampen budget revenue flows. Monthly trade volumes for such instruments average $464 million and 200 million euros, according to the National Bank of Ukraine.

Obligations to the EU

ARMA reform bill pulled from parliament’s agenda once again

Ukraine’s delayed Asset Recovery and Management Agency (ARMA) reform has suffered another setback, as the draft law #12374-d was once again removed from this week’s legislative agenda.

The bill, which aims to overhaul ARMA, was expected to be considered in second reading. The bill — originally scheduled for a March deadline under the Ukraine Facility program — is a critical condition for unlocking part of the 12.5 billion euros in EU funding allocated to Ukraine in 2025.

The Verkhovna Rada also postponed President Zelensky’s alternative draft law #13268, focused narrowly on the management of Russian-linked assets. The legislation has drawn criticism for lacking comprehensive institutional reform.

As we reported in Issue 27, this week the parliament is set to vote on several other bills which are benchmarks for the Ukraine Facility and the IMF’s program. Among those are draft law #13165 and alternatives on improving judicial integrity declarations; draft law #12377 on establishing the fundamentals of national housing policy; draft law #9363 on the digitalization of enforcement proceedings; draft law #13018-d on financial inclusion.

Ukraine passes Budget Code changes to implement US mineral deal

The legislation, supported by 309 members of parliament, enshrines financial provisions critical to executing the U.S.-Ukraine deal signed on April 30 and ratified by Kyiv on May 8.

The Kyiv IndependentTim Zadorozhnyy

Editor’s Note: The following is the latest in a series of reports by the Kyiv Independent about the memorialization of Ukraine’s fallen soldiers.

“We weren’t taught to live side-by-side with death in schools and universities, but it’s always near,” the speaker Anton Liahusha, the dean of the memory studies program in the Kyiv School of Economics, says during a lecture at the open-air Lviv folk museum.

On June 1, thousands of Ukrainians gathered to celebrate the 27th birthday of a fallen military medic and memorialization activist, Iryna ‘Cheka’ Tsybukh.

They listened to lectures about memorial culture in Ukraine, shopped for traditional and hand-made items, donated to the combat medic unit Tsybukh served in, Hospitallers, danced folk dances to live Ukrainian music, and sang Ukrainian songs around a bonfire.

Promoting the values Tsybukh cared for in life, the “Cheka fest” festival is a striking example of the new ways Ukrainians are honoring those killed in Russia’s war, as old commemoration customs fail to hold the weight of continuous losses.

The woman of the day was also at the festival as a large black-and-white portrait placed next to the stage. Tsybukh was killed during a front-line mission in Kharkiv Oblast in 2024 just days before her 26th birthday.

Before her death, Tsybukh was a fierce advocate for the reinvention of memorial practices in Ukraine, recording several interviews with Ukrainian media and widely sharing her views on social media.

The festival — named after Tsybukh’s callsign and organized for the first time this year by her family, friends, and fellow activists — included both educational and musical programs.

Before noon, hundreds of people had filled the lush green yard near one of the museum’s traditional Ukrainian wooden architectural buildings.

People sat on the grass and chairs, while others that hadn’t managed to get a seat lined the fence and gate. They listened to lectures about memorial culture that aimed to put the incomprehensible into words: How to love their loved ones after they were killed?

When the losses are so overwhelming, talking and remembering them together helped people share their weight, Tsybukh believed.

Her own family and comrades on the stage recounted stories of how she lived out her patriotic values, becoming a “a moral compass” to many of the young people who didn’t know her personally.

“Stories about Iryna inspire, give you the strength to move on,” said Kateryna Borysenko, 31, a psychotherapist in training who survived 1.5 years in occupation in her native Donetsk Oblast. “They give hope that, however much the heavens would fall, we’ll live on.”

“I have made it my duty to attend every event like this, connected with the war, with heroes, with soldiers,” said Khrystyna Martsiniak, 21, a journalism student studying at the same Lviv university that Tsybukh graduated from. “I also was (at Iryna Tsybukh’s grave) at 9 a.m. today. It was something special.”

The daily minute of silence at 9 a.m. to honor fallen soldiers was a staple of Tsybukh’s memorial culture philosophy. She believed that if observed everywhere in the country, it had the power to unite Ukrainians in their shared loss.

Tsybukh’s belief in unity in the face of loss was so deep she designed her own funeral as a sort of memorial concert to bring people together in mourning. In a posthumous letter published by her brother, she outlined her wishes for the funeral, which included a request people to wear traditional Ukrainian garments — embroidered shirts called “vyshyvanka” — and sing ten Ukrainian songs around the fire in her memory.

The second musical part of the festival proved that Tsybukh’s vision lives and expands, and is emerging as a new tradition. Thousands of people dressed in vyshyvankas covered the slope of a hill around the festival stage, where Ukrainian bands played the songs she loved. Hundreds danced as Tsybukh’s family watched from afar.

When dusk fell, people approached the stage to honor Tsybukh the way she wished: by collectively singing in Ukrainian.

It seemed like the moment everyone was waiting for all day. From the stage, a short recording of Tsybukh’s voice was played on a phone into the microphone.

“A most soulful evening awaits each of you tonight,” Tsybukh voice says from a recording taken during a concert she helped to organize for soldiers near the front.

Her voice and her legacy echoed again in many hearts, as ten Ukrainian songs from her list filled the evening museum park.

As the festival came to a close that evening, Tsybukh’s friends and family promised to celebrate her birthday with a festival again next year. The remaining people gathered around the glowing embers of the fire to sing one last song — the Ukrainian national anthem.

Maria, 28, who declined to give her last name, didn't know Tsybukh personally but came from Kyiv specially for the memorial festival, said she left the event with a sense of duty fulfilled.

"I came here to see my beacon," she said, referring to Tsybukh, as she walked from the park through the dark streets with several other young women.

Memorializing Ukraine’s fallen soldiers: One asked to be cremated so future fighters don’t ‘dig trenches in our bones’

Editor’s Note: The following is the first in a series of reports by the Kyiv Independent about the memorialization of Ukraine’s fallen soldiers. “I’m up for cremation,” Kostiantyn “Kostia” Yuzviuk wrote in a list of funeral requests in his newly created Telegram channel for friends in November 2022

The Kyiv IndependentNatalia Yermak

Editor’s note: This is a developing story and is being updated.

Russian President Vladimir Putin on June 4 questioned the value of ongoing peace talks with Ukraine, accusing Kyiv of orchestrating deadly attacks on infrastructure in Russia that killed seven people and injured 115 others.

According to Russian investigators, a bridge in Bryansk region was blown up on Saturday just as a passenger train carrying 388 people passed underneath. A second bridge in Kursk was also reportedly targeted. The explosions occurred just days before Ukraine and Russia met in Turkey for the latest round of negotiations.

Putin blamed Ukraine’s top leadership for the attacks, calling them acts of terrorism aimed at civilians. “The current Kyiv regime does not need peace at all,” he said during a televised meeting with senior officials. “What is there to talk about? How can we negotiate with those who rely on terror?"

He added that the attacks showed Kyiv is “degenerating into a terrorist organisation, and its sponsors are becoming accomplices of terrorists."

Dmitry Peskov, spokesperson for the Russian Federation's President, confirmed that Ukraine's Security Service indeed struck the Crimea Bridge. However, Peskov assured that the illegally structure remains unharmed and operational. Describing the bridge as civilian infrastructure, he stated that Ukrainian forces targeted it, reports the Russian news agency RIA Novosti.

Addressing media on June 4, Peskov mentioned explosions near the bridge's pillars a day and a half prior, suggesting the "Kyiv regime" orchestrated the blast. Despite this, he affirmed, "nothing is damaged, and the bridge is functioning," while noting that Russia is "taking precautionary measures," without specifying what these measures entail. Other topics Peskov addressed included Ukraine-Russia negotiations and the June 1 attacks on airbases within Russia's hinterlands. He stated that Russian intelligence agencies "are doing everything necessary" to investigate the "crime" at airfields, but refrained from commenting on potential "terrorist" involvement in the drone strikes on planes. Russian Telegram channels indicated that the Crimea Bridge remains open for vehicular traffic. [source](https://t.me/most_official)

On June 3, Ukraine’s Security Service (SBU) confirmed executing an attack on the Crimea Bridge. At 4:44 a.m. Kyiv time, an explosion equivalent to 1,100 kg of TNT occurred beneath the bridge's pillar. Special forces noted the underwater explosion might have caused significant damage.

The SBU has not disclosed the means of delivering the explosive. Video footage from the site depicts water and foam rising around the pillar of the unauthorized structure.

During a national news broadcast, Navy spokesperson Dmytro Pletenchuk detailed how the explosion compromised a critical section of the bridge, potentially diminishing the railway’s capacity.

As a result, passage for heavy military convoys could face disruptions, and the attack may have a broader "ideological" impact on the Russian populace. Defense Express speculated that the SBU might have utilized one of two maritime drones, "Marichka" or "Toloka," for the bridge attack. Analysts suggested a 10-meter-deep detonation, placing the structure in a precarious state. They elaborated on potential methods, such as using remotely operated systems, akin to tactics in previous Russian airbase strikes, rather than involving divers. On June 4, Pletenchuk revealed Russia’s latest defense strategy for the bridge, purportedly deploying chemical units for protection.

The Security Service of Ukraine (SBU) has published new drone footage from Operation Spiderweb – the remarkable special operation targeting four Russian airbases with low-cost FPV drones. The General Staff of Ukraine’s Armed Forces confirmed on June 3 that Russia lost 41 military aircraft as a result of the operation. The estimated damage inflicted upon Russia is estimated to exceed $7 billion.

Ukraine’s Security Service (SBU) on June 4 released a new footage from its Operation Spiderweb, showing targeted strikes on Russian strategic aircraft across multiple airfields.

On June 1, the SBU conducted an operation using first-person-view (FPV) drones that were smuggled deep inside Russia and concealed in trucks, successfully striking 41 Russian heavy bombers and causing an estimated $7 billion in damage.

The attacks rendered a significant number of aircraft irreparable, with others expected to take years to restore. The strikes targeted four key airfields—Olenya, Ivanovo, Dyagilevo, and Belaya—used by Russian strategic aviation involved in bombing Ukrainian cities.

President Volodymyr Zelensky and SBU Chief Vasyl Malyuk personally oversaw the operation.

On the evening of June 1, Zelensky described the operation as “brilliant,” adding that Russia suffered “significant losses — entirely justified and deserved."

The operation damaged or destroyed a range of aircraft, including A-50 surveillance planes, Tu-95, Tu-22, and Tu-160 bombers, as well as An-12 and Il-78 transport and refueling aircraft.

Zelensky said Ukraine would not have carried out its drone strikes on Russian strategic bombers if Russia had agreed to a ceasefire. Speaking at a June 4 meeting with journalists attended by the Kyiv Independent, Zelensky linked the operation to Moscow’s rejection of a truce.

Kyiv has consistently pushed for a Western-backed 30-day ceasefire as an initial step toward a broader peace agreement. However, during the latest round of negotiations in Istanbul on June 2, Russia once again declined the proposal.

“If there had been a ceasefire, would the operation have taken place? No,” Zelensky said, referring to the drone attack.

In the early hours of June 4, a significant fire broke out at the Avtodiesel (YAMZ) engine plant in Yaroslavl, where diesel engines are produced, including those for the intercontinental RS-12M "Topol" and RS-24 "Yars" systems.

According to official reports, the blaze started in one of the production bays during testing of a 12-cylinder engine. The emergency call was received by the regional branch of the Ministry of Emergency Situations at 2:03 a.m. By 3:17 a.m., the fire had engulfed an area of about 400 square meters. A total of 50 firefighters and 16 specialized vehicles were dispatched to tackle the blaze. Plant representatives claim the fire occurred within a single bay and purportedly did not disrupt the plant’s operations.

Avtodiesel ranks among Russia’s largest producers of diesel engines, gearboxes, clutches, and stationary units. In May 2024, the plant was sanctioned by the United States due to its collaboration with the Russian Defense Ministry—it supplies power units for Russian military equipment.

Various YAMZ engine series are extensively used in the Russian defense sector. Specifically:

- The YAMZ-240 (360–780 hp) is installed in the self-propelled launchers of the 9K58 "Smerch" MLRS, the 9K79 "Tochka" tactical missile launcher, and other armored vehicles.

- The YAMZ-850, with up to 1500 hp, is utilized in the launch systems of strategic RS-12M "Topol" and RS-24 "Yars" complexes.

- The YAMZ-530 (136–360 hp) powers numerous armored vehicles, including the "Tigr" and "Volk."

This fire occurs amid recent reports of strikes on other Russian defense industrial facilities. Previously, drone strikes were reported on plants in Tula, part of the Rostec corporation, including NPO "Splav," which manufactures volley fire systems and aviation missiles.

A series of explosions were also heard in Rylsk, Kursk Oblast, Russia. The region was attacked by drones, resulting in fires at the strike locations. It’s suspected that the attacks targeted permanent deployment points of Russian troops.